MM 



* 




THE 



LIFE OF LUTHER, 



EMBRACING 

AN ACCOUNT OF 
THE EARLY PROGRESS 

OF THE 

Mtfovnwtian* 

BY 

ALEXANDER BOWER. 



Quantus vir Lutherus, quantis dotibus excellat, quanta 



animi fortitudine et constantia, quanta doctrinae efficacia. 

Calvin. Ep. ad Bullinger. 



PHILADELPHIA : 



PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY JAMES HOGAN, Jr. 

NO. 255, MARKET-STREET. 
J. Anderson, Printer. 

1824. 



T5T?3 Z m 

I 3 &4 



TO 

THE VERY REVEREND 

GEORGE HUSBAND BAIRD, D.D. 

ONE OF THE 
MINISTERS OF THE HIGH CHURCH 
AND 

PRINCIFAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, 
THIS 

aift of utttJjtr, 

IN TESTIMONY OF REAL ESTEEM, 
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, 
IOST OBEDIENT £ 

ALEXANDER BOWER. 



College Library, Edinburgh, 
May 1, 1813, 



J 



INTRODUCTION. 



IN contemplating the Reformation effected by 
Luther, it is difficult to decide whether our admi- 
ration should be more excited by the magnitude of 
the event, or by the appearance of total inadequacy 
in the means. On the one hand, we see a hierarchy 
of absolute dominion ; on the other, a humble and 
unknown individual. The doctrine of the former 
rested on the steadfast belief of many ages, and was 
supported by the concurrence of powerful sovereigns ; 
that of the latter arose from solitary meditation in 
an obscure corner, and, during many years, could 
boast of no other temporal support than toleration. 
Yet it was ordained, in this memorable contest, 
that strength should yield to weakness, and that the 
humble should triumph over the lofty. To trace 
the course by which Providence was pleased to ac- 
complish this wonderful revolution, is the task pro- 
posed in the following pages — a task which involves 
the relation of events of the highest interest to the 
members of the Protestant communion, and not un- 
profitable, we may hope, in regard to the improve- 
ment of our personal conduct. If we examine his- 
tory with a view to conclusions of practical utility. 



vi 



INTRODUCTION. 



we shall find no part of it better calculated to 
awaken a sense of the vanity of power, and to warn 
us how far impatience and pride may be rendered 
instrumental to their own humiliation. 

In endeavouring to discover the means employed 
by Providence to effect this sudden change, our at- 
tention is directed chiefly to two things — the state 
of the times, and the character of him who was 
made the principal agent in the cause. In regard 
to the former, the revival of learning, recent as it 
was, had operated sufficiently to render the under- 
standings of men equal to the comprehension of an 
improved doctrine. The progress of civilization, 
though not rapid, was sufficient to demonstrate the 
grossness of many of the practices of the Romish 
church. The season for crushing the advocates of a 
new creed by treachery and assassination was past. 
Germany and a considerable part of Europe were in 
a condition to appreciate and to welcome that in- 
formation, which, a century before, would have been 
branded, by general consent, as a dangerous and 
damnable heresy. Nor must it be forgotten that 
the prince, under whose protection Luther was 
destined to act, took greatly the lead of the majority 
of his cotemporaries in discretion and sound judg- 
ment. 

In the personal character of Luther we discern 
many qualities calculated to enable him to discharge 
with success the important duty to which he was 



INTRODUCTION. 



vii 



called. A constitutional ardour for devotion, a 
boundless thirst of knowledge and a fearless zeal in 
communicating it, were prominent characteristics 
of this extraordinary man. At the age when others 
indulge sanguine expectations of success in life, 
Luther withdrew from the flattering prospect, and 
secluded himself in the recesses of a monastery. 
Here, on discovering a copy of the Bible, he for- 
sook all other employments and became immersed 
in the study of the neglected volume. Called after- 
wards to teach others from the pulpit and the pro- 
fessor's chair, he soon departed from the beaten 
track, and promulgated his discoveries without the 
slightest fear of civil or ecclesiastical power. An 
unwearied perseverance in theological research led 
him to detect farther errors, and to relinquish, step 
by step, many of his early opinions. In all situa- 
tions Luther is the same, — pursuing indefatigably 
the knowledge of the word of God, and never 
scrupling to avow his past mistakes whenever the 
confession could facilitate the inquiries or confirm 
the faith of others. It was in vain that the head of 
the church and the chief of the German empire 
combined to threaten and proscribe him — he braved 
with equal courage the vengeance of either power, 
and continued to denounce, with an unsparing hand, 
the prevalence of corruption. 

These are the leading features of the subject 
which I have endeavoured to elucidate. In addition 



viii 



INTRODUCTION. 



to the narrative, I have attempted occasional obser- 
vations on Luther's theological and controversial 
writings. Along with these I have interspersed 
some remarks on the general state of education and 
knowledge in that age. On all points of conse- 
quence a reference is made to a specific authority ; 
but the extent of labour bestowed on research, I 
wish estimated rather by an examination of the book, 
than by any previous enumeration on my part. — It 
remains that I express my acknowledgments to those 
friends who have taken the trouble to superintend 
my work in its progress to publication, and have be- 
stowed on it that attention which distance from the 
place of printing, and the pressure of other avoca- 
tions put out of my power. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 

Luther's birth and parentage — his education — Observations 
on the state of the universities — Death of Alexius — Luther 
goes into a monastery — Observations on monastic institu- 
tions — Luther's distress of mind — Discovers a copy of the 
Bible — His eagerness in studying it — Savonarola, Kempis, 
and others - -- -- -- -- -- -- - 17 



CHAPTER II. 

FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517- 

Luther appointed a professor at Wittemberg — visits Rome-*- 
exchanges the philosophical for the theological chair at 
Wittemberg — Observations on the scholastic philosophy ; 
the Platonists, the Aristotelians, Positivi, Sententiarii, Mys- 
tici— Progress of Luther's studies — Begins to question and 
to oppose prevailing tenets 35 

CHAPTER III. 

YEAR 1517- 

Strength of the church — Account of " Indulgences " — Tetzel, 
quaestor for the sale of " Indulgences " — Luther opposes 
the sale of " Indulgences " — his offer of a public disputa- 
tion—his letter to the archbishop of Mentz— Tetzel's 
threats— Tetzel's book burned by the Wittemberg students 52 

B 



X 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 

YEAR 1518. 

Luther anxious to avoid a rupture with the pope — his letters 
to several persons — A friendly disputation held at Heidel- 
berg — Luther is opposed by Eckius a Dominican ; and by 
Prierio, a Dominican — Leo X. dilatory in resisting Luther 
— Influence of the elector Frederick of Saxony — Mission 
of the legate Cajetan to Augsburg — Luther summoned to 
Rome — Frederick consents that Luther shall appear at 
Augsburg— his journey thither — his interviews with Caje- 
tan — his subsequent letters to Cajetan — Cajetan's com- 
plaint to Frederick — Luther's disquietude — Frederick's 
answer to Cajetan — Luther appeals to a genera] council 7-f 

CHAPTER V. 

YEAR 1519- 

Death of the emperor Maximilian — Proceedings of Miltitz, 
the papal nuncio — Circulation of Luther's writings — The 
Franciscan Minorites — Public disputation at Leipsic with 
Eckius — Duke George of Saxony — Luther's farther publi- 
cations 5 increased occupation - ---- ---117 

CHAPTER VI. 

YEAR 1520. 

Luther's letters to Charles V. and others — Miltitz the nuncio 
— Letter from Luther to Leo X. — Leo proceeds against 
Luther ; issues a bull against him ; and applies to Fre- 
derick against him — Protection offered to Luther in Fran- 
conia — Luther continues to publish — Popular discontents 
at the bull — Luther burns a copy of the bull and of the 



CONTENTS. 



canon law — Observations on the canon law— Remarks 
by Erasmus — Extension of the controversy — Leo's reiter- 
ated application to the elector Frederick - - - - - 

CHAATER VII. 

YEAR 1521. 

Observations on the policy of the papal court — Proposed re- 
ference to crowned heads— Francis I. — Charles V. — Lu- 
ther excommunicated by the pope ; apprized that he would 
be summoned to the Diet at Worms ; determines to accept 
the summons; aware of the danger of going thither ; pro- 
ceeds to Worms ; called before the diet — His conference 
with the princes of the empire^-His interviews with others 
— The majority of the diet hostile to him — Luther carried 
to the castle of Wartburg ; his situation and conduct there 
— He continues to write and publish — Henry VIII. of 
England writes against him — Luther's answer — Death of 
Leo X. - - - - - - - 

CHAPTER VIII. 

YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 

Luther occupied in translating the Bible — Observations on 
that work — Objections of the Catholics to his translation 
— Precipitate conduct of his friends at Wittemberg — Lu- 
ther returns to Wittemberg — Explains his tenets to his 
friends — His differences with Carolostad — Continues to 
publish — Opposition of duke George of Saxony — Election 
of pope Adrian VI. — His character — Adrian's acknow- 
ledgment of corruption in the church — The " Centum Gra- 
vamina" — Ferdinand of Austria — Christiern of Denmark 
— Henry VIII. of England — Progress of the Reformation 



xii 



CONTENTS. 



— Flight of the nuns from the convent at Nimptschen — 
The Bohemian sectaries — Duke George of Saxony — Louis, 
king of Hungary — Martyrdom of two Protestants at Brus- 
sels — Luther's occupations and anxiety — Cochleeus, an op- 
ponent of Luther — Fisher, bishop of Rochester - - - 195 

CHAPTER IX. 

YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 

Election of pope Clement VII. — Cardinal Campegio — Diet 
of Nuremberg — Diet of Ratisbon and consequent proceed- 
ings — Progress of the Reformation in Prussia — Vehemence 
of Carolostad — Luther finally leaves his monastery — Eras- 
mus writes against Luther — Iiuther's reply — Death of the 
elector Frederick of Saxony — War of the peasants — Lu- 
ther's marriage — Henry VIII. of England - - - - 230 

CHAPTER X. 

FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 

Rapid progress of the Reformation— Distinction between the 
biography of Luther and the farther history of the Protes- 
tants — Luther occupied in translating the Bible — His far- 
ther publications — Reforms the Saxon church — Diet of 
Spires in 1529 — The Reformed give in their celebrated 
" Protest" — Zwinglius and Ocolampadius hold a disputa- 
tion with Luther — Luther's subsequent publications — Arti- 
cles of Torgau — Diet of Augsburg — The " Augsburg Con- 
fession " — Luther's occupations at Cobourg — Co-operation 
of the Protestant princes — Death of Luther's mother ; of 
Zwinglius and Ocolampadius ; of the elector John of Saxo- 
ny — Conduct of duke George of Saxony — Paul III. elected 
pope — Verger, the papal nuncio, sent to Luther — Their 



interview described- 
cald - - - - 



CONTENTS. 
1 — Death of Erasmus- 



! — Articles of Smal- 



xiii 

252 



CHAPTER XI. 

FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 

Luther's illness in 1537 — Recovers and resumes his functions 
— Publishes two editions of his translation of the Bible — 
His other publications — Death of duke George in 1539 — 
Conferences at Worms and Ratisbon in 1540 and 1541 — 
Decay of Luther's health in 1545 — His irritation of mind 
— He withdraws from Wittemberg — Is prevailed on to re- 
turn — His journey to Eisleben; occupations there ; last 
illness ; death and funeral — His character — Observations 
on his works 5 on his private life — His widow and chil- 



dren 276 

APPENDIX, 

NOTES. 

Calumnies about Luther's birth - - 301 

Hutten and Buchannan on the ignorance of the monks - 301 
University degrees — Lombard's book of sentences - 302, 308 

Luther's situation as a monk - -- -- -- -- 303 

Commentators on Scripture who preceded him - - - - 303 

A monk's exposition of the doctrine of justification - - 304 

Extemporary preaching - -- -- -- -- -- 304 

Particulars relative to Savonarola ------- 305 

Thomas a Kempis ------ 306 

Gerson 306 

Taulerus 306 

— Gabriel Biel ------- 3 07 

. — , Cammeracensis - - 307 



xiv CONTENTS. 

Particulars relative to Origen - - - - 308 

Abelard 308 

Thomas Aquinas ------ 308 

— Dunscotus -------- 309 

Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion - - 309 

Luther's avowal of early attachment to the pope - - - 310 

Lorenzo Pucci, cardinal datary 310 

Discrepancy between Luther and Guicciardini - - - - 311 

Abuses in the Catholic church - -- -- -- - 311 

Definition of the word " suffrage" - -- -- -- -312 

Staupitz, provincial of the Augustinians in Saxony - - 312 

The Dominican order 313 

Spalatin, secretary to the elector Frederick - - - - 313 

Leipsic disputation in the year 1519 ------- 314 

Maimbourg's history - -- -- -- -- -- - 314 

Luther's letter to the pope in 1520 315 

Practice of burning obnoxious books 315 

Profligacy of Leo X. 315 

Bohemian sectaries - -- -- -- -- -- - 316 

Different opinions about the circumstances of Luther's pa- 
rents 317 

Cochlseus - - 317 

Luther's fondness for Music ----318 

Relics of Luther 319 

His will - - - ; -.$F- y - ^ 1 

APPENDIX PAPERS. 

EXTRACTS AND MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS. 

Biographical notice of Ocolampadius 321 

Zwinglius 323 

— Bucer .324 

Henry VIII. — Observations on his book against Luther - 325 



CONTENTS. xv 

Cajetan's letter to Frederick on Luther's appearance before 

him at Augsburg 327 

Luther's rejoinder to that letter 330 

Centum Gravamina — an extract with a notice of the prin- 
cipal topics 342 

Augsburg confession — extracts from it with a summary of its 

contents 347 

Luther's preface to the first volume of his works published 

in 1545 351 

Melancthon's preface to the second volume 359 

Observations on Luther's character, by Camerarius - - 373 

Leo's bull against Luther in 1520 374 

Luther's treatise on monastic vows 381 

preface to his translation of the Old Testament - 389 

Particulars relative to Carolostad, Spalatin, Justus Jonas, 

and Cruciger - - - - - - - - - - - - - 392 

Funeral verses on Luther 394 

Melancthon's observations on the conference at Worms, 

held in 1540 396 

Letter from Melancthon to Luther, containing an account 

of the conference of Smalcald in 1540 401' 

Letter from Melancthon to Luther on the subject of the con- 
ference at Ratisbon in March 1541 403 



THE 




CHAPTER I. 

FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 

THE year of Luther's birth has not been deter- 
mined with complete certainty. His mother, when 
questioned by Melancthon, was accustomed to an- 
swer, that she was certain as to the day, (the tenth 
of November) but not in regard to the year. His 
brother, James Luther, however, has related, and 
with the appearance of accuracy, that he was born 
in the year 1483. The place of his birth was 
Eisleben or Eislebon, an obscure town in the county 
of Mansfeld, and electorate of Saxony. He was 
baptized on the following day and called Martin, 
after the saint to whom that day is dedicated in the 
Roman calendar. The names of his parents were 
John Luther and Margaret Lindeman. His father 
was employed in the mines, and being remarkable 
for assiduity, rose, in the course of years, from an 

C 



IS 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



humble station to the possession of some property, 
and discharged with respectability the functions of 
a local magistrate. In his days of extended reputa- 
tion Luther did not cease to pay a tribute of respect 
and affection to his father. He inscribed to him 
his celebrated book on " Monastic Vows," composed 
in the year 1521, a time when his fame had become 
diffused throughout Europe.* 

The foundation of that devotional ardour which 
formed the prominent feature of Luther's character 
appears to have been laid by the careful tuition of 
his mother. " In matre Margareta, cum cceterm 
erant virtutes, turn verb prcecipue lucebat pudi- 
citia, timor Dei et invocatio; intuebanturque in 
earn cceteree mulieres ut in exemplar virtutum"\ 
The impressions of maternal care received confir- 
mation at the school of Eisleben, where Luther 
was placed under the care of a pious teacher of the 
name of George Omilius. Notwithstanding the 
corruption of the church of Rome, and its indif- 
ference or rather opposition to the progress of a 
knowledge of the Scriptures, it was customary to 
teach the youth catechisms containing the elemen- 
tary principles of Christianity. At the age of 
fourteen, Luther was removed to a school at Mag- 
deburg, along with a youth of the name of John 
Reineck, who eventually rose to distinction, and 
with whom Luther continued during life in habits 
of close intimacy. After remaining a year at Mag- 
deburg, he was sent to a school of great repute at 
the town of Issenach or Eisenach, and placed 
under the protection, it is said, of his mother's 

* See Appendix A. 

f Melancthon Prsef. T. ii. Luther. Oper. 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 



19 



relations.* Here the foundation of his future emi- 
nence was laid. The charge of educating youth 
was, in that age, entrusted to the Romish clergy, 
or rather to the different monastic Orders establish- 
ed in that communion. There prevailed among 
these Orders a considerable degree of competition 
and rivalship ; for by presiding over seminaries of 
education, and by displaying zeal in teaching, op- 
portunities were afforded them of disseminating their 
own particular tenets. 

The school at Issenach was conducted by Fran- 
ciscans, and the name of Luther's master was John 
Trebonius. Rude and tedious as was the mode of 
teaching in that age, it is probable, that in regard to 
this seminary, some diminution of difficulty was pro- 
duced by the care of Trebonius, and the lessons held 
forth in the instructive writings of Erasmus. "Erasmi 
scriptis, jam invitata erant juventutis studia ad 
Latince et Grcecce linguce cognitionem. Monstrato 
jam dulciore genere doctrincE, multi, bonis et liberis 
ingeniis prcediti, abhorrere a barbarica et sophistica 
doctrina monachorum incipiebant."f At this early 
age Luther, we are told, applied to the. study of 
grammar with all the ardour which characterized 
his subsequent exertions. His exercises were su- 
perior to those of his schoolfellows, and afforded, 
by their animation and fluency, an assurance of his 
future eloquence. This was strikingly exemplified 
in the composition of Latin verses, which formed 
the subject of emulation between him and his young 
associates.! 

* Seckend. L. i. 20. 

t Melancthon, Praef. in Oper. Luther. — Wittemberg, 1546, 
f Praef. Melch. ad. Seckend. p. 21. 



20 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Having gone through with much applause the 
ordinary course at school, Luther repaired to the 
university of Erfurt in the beginning of 1502. 
The state of universities in that age was worse, if 
possible, than that of the schools ; the mode of 
teaching philosophy being much more liable to cor- 
ruption than the simpler process of explaining the 
elements of language. Though the writings of the 
Greek and Roman authors had been, by this time, 
introduced into circulation by means of the art of 
printing, the general taste was formed on very dif- 
ferent models. The highest honours that learning 
could bestow had for ages been connected with 
proficiency in a refined and subtile logic, which 
consisted of little else than an accumulation of 
metaphysical quibbles. The writings of Aristotle 
were believed to contain all the science that human 
genius was capable of acquiring. No latitude was 
allowed to the exercise of the inventive powers in 
the cultivation of other departments of knowledge. 
Even the studies of the Peripatetic school were pro- 
secuted under incalculable disadvantages from per- 
verted translations of the works of its founder, and 
from commentaries still more intricate than the 
originals. Year after year was spent by the student 
in acquiring a familiarity with the complicated 
rules of the school logic ; while physics and ethics 
were regarded only as convenient materials for the 
exercise of syllogistic ingenuity. Instead of aiming 
to arrive at truth by the patient course of inductive 
reasoning, the ambition of the age was to seek dis- 
tinction by a dexterous application of syllogism to 
the solution of all inquiry. 

Luther being directed, like the other pupils, to 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 



labour in this unprofitable field, became remarkable 
in it, as in the languages, for close assiduity and 
rapid progress. His teacher of logic was an en- 
thusiast in that science. He was named Iodocus, 
and in compliance with the fashion tff the age as- 
sumed the additional title of " Doctor Issenacensis." 
Not content with promulgating his doctrines from 
the professorial chair, this indefatigable advocate of 
Aristotfe ventured afterwards to publish a work en- 
titled " Summa Philosophic Naturalis." This 
took place in 1517, by which time Luther was 
rising fast into reputation, and had begun to expose 
the absurdity of the scholastic theology. It hap- 
pened that Iodocus did not long survive his pub* 
lication ; and Luther appears to have apprehended 
that the tranquillity of his latter years had been 
disturbed by the rude attacks which his favourite 
science had received from the hands of his former 
pupil.* 

Though obliged to waste a great deal of time in 
the construction of barbarous syllogisms, Luther 
found means to prosecute the study of Latin, and 
to read Virgil, Livy, Cicero, and other classics. 
His preceptor in this department was of the name 
of Grieff, or with the addition of the termination 
common in these days of classical pedantry, Gry- 
phius. Whether Luther began to learn Greek 
when at Erfurt or afterwards, has not been ascer- 
tained. In most universities Greek and Hebrew 
were unknown. At the university of Wittemberg, 
Melancthon was the first professor of Greek. His 
appointment took place at a date considerably sub- 



* See Appendix B. 



22 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



sequent to the time we are treating of, viz. in 1518, 
and Luther, though then occupying the station of a 
professor, did not scruple to avail himself of the 
classical attainments of his friend and colleague, to 
extend his knowledge of the Greek language.* 

Luther took the degree of master of arts in 
1503.f The reputation, which he had acquired by 
the successful prosecution of his studies, induced 
his relations to urge him to embrace the profession 
of the law, a sure road, as they imagined, to the 
attainment of wealth and honour. He was pre- 
vailed on to make a beginning in that study, but 
his serious and ardent cast of mind soon tended to 
lead him in a different course. That alteration of 
his pursuits which the course of inclination would 
have produced in the progress of years, was acce- 
lerated by the occurrence of a most extraordinary 
circumstance. In the year 1504, walking out one 
day with a young friend of the name, it is said, of 
Aloxius, they were overtaken by a dreadful thunder- 
storm, and Alexius was struck dead at his side. 
The fall of a friend whom he ardently loved, and 
the awful scene around him, raised in Luther's 
mind a succession of serious meditations. He saw, 
or he thought he saw, in a stronger light than ever, 
the vain and fleeting nature of all terrestrial enjoy- 
ments, and determined at once to withdraw himself 
from their pursuit. Prompt in all his resolutions, 
he vowed upon the spot that, if God were please d 
to deliver him from the danger of his situation, he 
would enter a monastery, and spend the remainder 

* Graecum praeceptorem, illo salvo, alium non desidero. Lib. i. 
Ep. 57. Luth. Prsef. Seckend. p. 43. 
f See Appendix C, 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 



23 



of his life sequestered from the world and* its temp- 
tations. It was in vain that his parents, unwilling 
that he should relinquish the fair prospect before 
him, endeavoured to dissuade him from this sudden 
determination. He persisted in his purpose, and 
regarded the impression of his mind as a special 
command of the Almighty. 

The power of social attachment was strongly felt 
by Luther, and it required a commanding impulse 
to make him take a step which was to separate him 
from his companions and friends. His vow to be- 
come a monk had been made in secret, and com- 
municated to none but his parents. From his 
youthful associates he was aware that he should 
meet with nothing but dissuasion ; his cheerfulness 
of temper and playfulness of humour possessing 
attractions which they would be unwilling to re- 
linquish. To these agreeable qualities he added a 
fine voice and great taste for music ; an accomplish- 
ment which not only rendered him acceptable in 
society, but supplied a soothing resource in those 
accesses of low spirits to which persons of his 
ardent temperament are occasionally subject. Dear, 
however, as was the society of his companions, he 
accounted it indispensable to part from them, and 
took farewell by calling them together one evening < 
when he entertained them with music, and broke 
to them his determination as conclusive and irre- 
vocable. 

It was in 1505 that Luther entered the Augus- 
tinian monastery at Erfurt. From what cause he 
was induced to give a preference to that Order 
neither himself nor any of his friends have ex- 
plained : a silence the more to be regretted, as the 



24 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



knowledge of the cause might have tended to elu- 
cidate several parts of his history. His connection 
with the Augustinians gave a colouring to his re- 
ligious opinions, and formed his creed in regard to 
some leading doctrines of the Gospel, before he had 
an opportunity of access to the fountain head ; for 
he had not yet seen a copy of the Scriptures. 

It may not be foreign to our subject, to say a 
few words on monastic institutions generally. They 
have existed, in one form or another, in all countries 
and climates ; but more particularly in India, 
Egypt, and Syria. The introduction of the Pla- 
tonic philosophy into the Christian schools of divi- 
nity appears to have greatly contributed to their 
establishment. Some of the early Christians adopt- 
ed the favourite theory of the Platonists, that the 
body is an incumbrance to the soul, and that it is 
in consequence of this union that our faculties are 
confined within a narrow compass. It was a natural 
transition to suppose that the more the body was 
mortified the greater was the approximation to per- 
fection, and that those, who voluntarily submitted 
to a life of austerity and self-denial, were the fa- 
vourites of heaven. The first enthusiasts of this 
description were Paul of Thebes and Antony of 
JCgypt in the third century. These men were ac- 
customed to practise excessive austerity, and had, 
in the next century, a number of imitators, though 
a considerable time elapsed before the followers of 
monastic habits were associated into a body. The 
first Order was that of the " Caenobites," or bre- 
thren of the " common life," as the word implies,, 
who lived together in fixed habitations ; the second 
were hermits (l^^wi) who lived in solitude ; and 



PROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 25 



the third, anchorites (cfo*%a>Q}Tou) who professed to 
carry the practice of monkish austerities to excess. 
So far these names were indicative merely of the 
mode of life ; but, in process of time, the monks in- 
corporated themselves into particular societies, under 
the protection of certain saints. It was in the fifth 
century that the monks came to be considered in 
the light of ecclesiastics, and to call for the erection 
of appropriate buildings. During the dark ages 
their importance gradually increased, and in the 
eleventh century the Pope declared them exempted 
from the jurisdiction of the sovereign of the country 
which they inhabited. 

Luther, ardent in all his undertakings, was im- 
patient to conform, in the fullest manner, to the 
regulations of his new profession. On assuming 
the monastic garb, hq returned his clothes to his 
father's house, and sent also his annulus magisterii, 
or ring conferred on him when he was made Master 
of Arts. His zeal for the patron of his Order, 
however it had been acquired, was so great that he 
at one time entertained a wish to exchange his name 
of Martin for that of Augustine. Non solum acer- 
rimo studio doctrinam Ecclesice discit, sed etiam 
sum ma discipline severitate se ipse regit, et om- 
nibus exercitiis lectionum, disputationum, jejuni- 
orum, precum, omnes longe superat* — The Order 
of the Augustinians was founded, or rather new 
modelled, in the thirteenth century, by pope Alex- 
ander VI. They followed the rules of the bishop 
of Hippo, from whom their name was taken, and 



* Melancthon — Pnef. 



26 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



whose writings were of course esteemed oracular.* 
Of the profound ignorance of monks in regard to 
whatever bore a relation to classical literature, we 
may form some idea from the tenour of their cur- 
rent maxim ; " Quanto melior Grammaticus, tanto 
pejor Theologus"f 

On entering the monastery, Luther left behind 
him all his books, with the exception of Virgil and 
Plautus.J His preference of the former is easily 
accounted for by his characteristic gravity, and 
though the motive of his attachment to the writings 
of Plautus is less obviously connected with his pre- 
dominant feelings, we may safely conclude that the 
wit and good sense of that author must have been the 
source of the favourable impression. It is also to be 
kept in mind, that at this period of the Reformer's 
history, neither his principles nor the manners of the 
age were calculated to produce that disgust at inde- 
cent allusions which he so strongly felt after becom- 
ing acquainted with the Scriptures. || 

Luther on embracing the monastic profession 
was very imperfectly acquainted with the routine of 
the discipline. In these solitary retreats, according 
to his anticipation, no intrusion of worldly cares 
was permitted, and life was wholly devoted to the 
service of God. But he soon found that the por- 

* See Rodolph. Hospinian de Monachis, L. vi. a work which 
contains a great deal of very curious information, printed at 
Geneva, 1669. Also Gabriel d'Emilianne's History of the Mo? 
nastic Orders. London 1693. And Mosheim passim. » 

f Hollinger de Necessit. Reform, p. 6. To attain a proper idea 
of the depravity of the monks before the Reformation, see the 
u Fasciculus Rerum expetendarum." 

£ Seckend. p. 21. || See Appendix D. 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 27 



tion of humiliating drudgery was not inconsider- 
able, and that the senior members made it devolve, 
with an unsparing hand, on the noviciates. This 
drudgery consisted in the performance of menial 
and other degrading offices. It is a standing rule 
in these societies to be independent, either in reality 
or in appearance, of all external assistance. At one 
time Luther was obliged to stand as porter at the 
monastery ; at another he was ordered to go through 
the town to beg. As the monks professed the most 
abject poverty, the avowal that they lived by beg- 
ging was accounted no degradation. The rudeness 
of the age conduced, in some respects, to lessen the 
mortification ; but after making every allowance, it 
must have been difficult for an independent mind, 
like Luther's, to reconcile itself to the practice of 
such an abject employment.* Certain it is that his 
former cheerfulness was now succeeded by frequent 
fits of melancholy. His impressions respecting his 
doom in a future state were of the most gloomy 
cast. Ignorant as yet of those truths of Christi- 
anity which alone can afford relief in such a situa- 
tion, he was under the necessity of seeking support 
in the advice of others. He disclosed his case 
accordingly to Staupitz, the head of his Order in 
Germany. Staupitz, who, as we shall find in the 
sequel, was a man of superior understanding, spared 
no pains to restore his mind to tranquillity. He 
recommended submission, and told him that such 
trials could not fail to turn out for his good, adding, 
it is said, that God was to make use of him for the 
accomplishment of important purposes. t He went 



* See Appendix E. 



f Seckendorff, p. 19- 



28 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



farther, and prevailed on the prior of the monastery 
to exempt Luther from the task of degrading ser- 
vices, and to allow him time for the prosecution of 
his studies, which until then had been discouraged 
in the convent. 

The general ignorance of classical literature at the 
time of the Reformation is clearly illustrated in 
Villers' Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the 
Reformation of Luther. This work is ably trans- 
lated into English, and will be found to contain the 
best exposition of the political, religious, and literary 
state of Europe in the 16th century which has yet 
been published. The faculty of theology at Paris 
went at this time (see Villers, p. 93) the length of 
declaring before the parliament assembled, that "re- 
ligion was undone if the study of Greek and Hebrew 
was permitted" The language of the mendicant 
monks was still more singular : Conrad, of Heres- 
bach, a grave author of that age, relates the follow* 
ing words from the mouth of a monk — " They have 
invented a new language, which they call Greek : 
you must be carefully on your guard against it : 
it is the mother of all heresy. I observe in the 
hands of many persons a book written in that 
language, and which they call the New Testa- 
ment. It is a book full of daggers and poison. 
As to the Hebrew, my dear brethren, it is certain 
that whoever learns it becomes immediately a 
Jew." 

It w as in 1507 (2d May) and in Luther's twenty- 
fourth year, that he entered into orders and cele- 
brated his first mass. This date is the more re- 
markable, because he discovered about the same 
time a Latin copy of the Bible lying in the library 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 29 



of the monastery. He eagerly laid hold of this 
neglected book, and persevered in studying it with 
so much diligence, that he was able in a short time 
to refer with ease and promptitude to any particular 
passage. In the present day, we can with difficulty 
conceive how a copy of the Bible could remain un- 
noticed by the whole of a religious fraternity, or 
that a person so respectably educated as Luther, 
should be unapprized that the whole of the Scrip- 
tures was not read to the people in the public ser- 
vice of the church. It was with no small surprise 
that he discovered that there were many passages 
in the New Testament that were not thus read. 
The most striking of these Luther committed to 
memory, and treasured up, with equal diligence, 
many parts of the Prophetic Scriptures.* The 
History of Hannah and Samuel made, we are told, 
a strong impression on him.f Samuel had been 
dedicated to God from his infancy ; and Luther, in 
the fervour of his devotional zeal, seems to have re- 
gretted that an equally early consecration had not 
fallen to his own lot. J 

In this zealous prosecution of his studies, he had 
little opportunity of deriving assistance from the 
labours of others. The writings of the Fathers, 
with the exception of those of Augustine, were 

* Seckendorff, p. 21. f 1 Sam. ch. i. 2. Melchior Adam. 

| So minutely have anecdotes relative to Luther been recorded, 
that the copy of the Bible which he found is said to have been 
bound in red morocco. He read it over and over with such fixed 
attention as to impress on his mind a local recollection of many 
remarkable passages. The same was the case with him in regard 
to the voluminous writings of Saint Augustine ; a circumstance, 
which contributed a good deal to facilitate references in his fre- 
queiU controversies. 



30 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



wholly unknown to him. His knowledge of Greek 
was very imperfect, and with Hebrew he was en- 
tirely unacquainted.* Besides, the only copy of 
the Scriptures as yet in his possession was the Latin 
vulgate. Erasmus had not yet published his edition 
of the New Testament, and since the days of 
Jerome, no very eminent example had been given 
of the application of sound criticism to the sacred 
canon. t Deprived thus of information from the 
researches of others, Luther would often spend a 
whole day in meditating on a few particular pas- 
sages. To this he was prompted equally by thirst 
of information, and the disquieted state of his mind. 
Before his acquaintance with the Bible, he had, 
like other persons, been satisfied with the current 
doctrines, and had never thought of examining a 
subject in which he suspected no error. Now, how- 
ever, he was sufficiently advanced to perceive that 
his early creed must be abandoned, without having 
gone far enough to find another in its place. His 
former melancholy returned, and continued to do 
so at intervals, until his views of divine truth ac- 
quired clearness and consistency. During his state 
of uncertainty, when reflecting on the wrath of God 
and on the extraordinary examples of punishment 
recorded in Scripture, he was sometimes struck with 
such terror, as almost to faint away. " I have 
seen him," says Melancthon, " so much agitated 
by eagerness of temper when engaged in a dispute 
on doctrine, as to find it necessary to throw himself 
on a bed in an adjoining chamber, where he would 
fall down in prayer, and frequently repeat these 



# See Appendix F. 



t Seckend. p. 21. 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 31 



words : " He hath concluded all in unbelief, that he 
might have mercy upon all." 

In those agitations of mind, Luther's resort was 
to the works of Augustine, who was in his eyes an 
oracle of equal price as Jerome in those of Erasmus. 
When we consider that these Fathers had long been 
raised to the rank of saints, while their writings 
were regarded as on a level with the Scriptures, we 
shall find little cause of surprise at the extent of the 
predilection, however extravagant, of Erasmus and 
Luther. It required the lapse of another century, 
and the labour of future reformers, to show the 
comparative unimportance of the authority of the 
early ecclesiastical writers. This was first done 
with success by the celebrated French protestant 
John Daille, in his valuable treatise concerning the 
use of the Fathers, published in 1631 ; since which, 
it has been generally understood that the proper de- 
fence of Christianity is to be sought in the Scrip- 
tures alone. 

Luther, absorbed in study, and averse to con- 
sume time in the uninstructive routine of Romish 
ceremonies, became unmindful of the forms of the 
monastery. He would read and write with such 
ardour for days together, as to overlook the hours 
prescribed for divine service by the canons. He was, 
on the other hand, rigid in the observance of the 
penance enjoined to his profession. Under the ab- 
surd impression that uncommon virtue is attached 
to abstinence, the Catholic priest and his people are 
directed, on pain of excommunication, to celebrate 
mass fasting. Those who act up to the letter of the 
law, make it a rule to abstain from food from mid- 
night to noon. Luther, strictly conscientious, was 



32 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



accustomed to read mass in the course of his duty 
without partaking of nourishment ; and it appears, 
that he was sometimes induced to try his power of 
abstinence so far as to fast for three days suc- 
cessively, an experiment unavoidably attended with 
the most debilitating effects. These, joined to ex- 
cess of sedentary application, brought oil an illness 
which had nearly assumed a fatal aspect. The ter- 
rors of divine wrath, and the horrors of perpetual 
punishment, bewildered his imagination, and de- 
spair had nearly overpowered him, when the sooth- 
ing interpretations of an old brother of the Order 
brought consolation to his distracted mind. This 
venerable monk conversed with him at great length, 
taking as his text the article in the creed ; " I be- 
lieve in the remission of sins and impressing him 
with the conviction that "justification was of grace 
by faith."* The perusal of a discourse of Bernard, 
on the " Annunciation," tended farther to confirm 
Luther in the reception of this doctrine. It became 
a favourite subject with him in his future writings, 
and his opinion of it is explained at large in his 
Commentary on the " Epistle to the Galatians," a 
work which he was accustomed to prefer to all his 
other publications. In this point, as in many others, 
his belief was founded on the reasoning of his ad- 
mired Augustine. 

It is but fair to the Augustinians to remark that, 
amid the general ignorance of the age, they were 
not altogether so inattentive to the study of divinity 
as the other religious Orders. This is proved by 
several circumstances. At the reformation of the 



See Appendix G. 



FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 



33 



theological faculty or college at Paris, towards the 
beginning of the 16th century, the Augustinian 
monks were selected to furnish the college of di- 
vinity with a Scriptural bachelor.* Luther, too, 
found in his Augustine superior, Staupitz, a zealous 
adviser of the study of the Scriptures, in preference 
to any other pursuit. In the technical language 
of the times, Staupitz recommended to him to be- 
come a good " Textualis et Localis" by which he 
meant the acquisition of a thorough knowledge of 
the texts of Scripture, and an expertness in quoting 
them. Stimulated by this advice, and by his own 
ardour, Luther did not confine himself to solitary 
study, but frequently preached and did other duty 
for the clergymen settled in the neighbouring vil- 
lages. This exercise answered the double purpose 
of instructing the people, and of giving him that 
facility in public speaking which is to be attained by 
practice only.f 

The more we examine the theological works pub- 
lished before the time of Luther, the less will be 
our surprise at his hesitation and embarrassment in 
respect to points of faith which are now put out of 
all doubt. These works were, in general, of a class 
much fitter to perplex than instruct. The least de- 
fective publications of recent date were the writings 
and sermons of the unfortunate Savonarola, and the 

* Each of the mendicant Orders had been formerly called on 
for a Scriptural bachelor ; but at the Reformation the call was 
confined to the Augustinians ; a compliment sufficiently indica- 
tive of their superior information. Luther was a Scriptural 
bachelor, (Mosh. vol. iii. p. 458, note q.) and so was Melancthon. 
Seckend. p. 43. 

t See Appendix H. 

E 



34 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



well known book, "De Imitatione Christi," ascribed 
to Thomas a Kempis. In justice to the works of 
Taulerus too, it must be admitted that, though in- 
terspersed with mystical jargon, they had been in- 
strumental in cherishing a spirit of devotion, and in 
diffusing, on the subject of Christianity, notions 
somewhat less inaccurate than had hitherto been 
current. They had been of service likewise, by at- 
tracting attention to the works of Augustine and 
Bernard.* But these books, taken all together, 
formed feeble guides in the wide field of theology to 
an anxious and inquiring mind. 



* See Appendix I. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 35 



CHAPTER II. 

FROM 1508 TO 1517. 

THE discovery of the art of printing had, by this 
time, promoted considerably the revival of learning. 
Among the German princes, the more enlightened 
became strongly impressed with the advantages 
attendant on the establishment of respectable semi- 
naries of education. At a Diet held at Worms, 
in 1495, it had been agreed among the electors that 
each should become the founder of a university. 
Luther's sovereign, Frederick, elector of Saxony, 
surnamed the Sage, was fully alive to the advantages 
of erecting such an establishment in his territory. 
He had fixed its site at Wittemberg, and was at 
this time anxiously employed in the selection of 
able teachers. Staupitz, being consulted in regard 
to the scholars among the Augustinians, had no 
hesitation in bearing a flattering testimony to the 
attainments of Luther. The consequence was the 
appointment of Luther to an academical chair in the 
university of Wittemberg, in 1508, at the early age 
of twenty- five. 

The department which Luther was called to fill 
was the professorship of logic. He was fitted for it 
as well by his general erudition, as by an expertness 
at the scholastic philosophy, acquired by the habit of 
reading public lectures at Erfurt. Now that it be- 
came the regular object of his official duty, he im- 



36 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled 
ardour, and became such a proficient, as to be able 
almost to recite by heart the logical commentaries 
of Gabriel and Cammeracensis.* To this thorough 
acquaintance with his subject, he joined the advan- 
tage of a prompt elocution. Nothing fell from him 
with an air of indifference ; all was clear and ani- 
mated, and he soon became not only an able but a 
highly popular professor. 

His labours in the philosophical chair, ardent as 
they were, had by no means the effect of rendering 
him inattentive to ecclesiastical affairs. A circum- 
stance, which soon after occurred, showed the extent 
of his reputation among his Augustinian brethren. 
A dispute having taken place in regard to matters of 
discipline, between the vicar general of the Augusti- 
nians in Saxony and seven of the convents subject 
to his jurisdiction, Luther was considered a fit per- 
son to proceed to Rome, and procure a satisfactory 
settlement of the point in question. f Unacquainted 
with the habits of the Romish dignitaries, and a 
stranger, in a great measure, to the corrupt ways of 
the world, Luther imagined that on visiting the holy 
city, the residence of the Vicar of Christ, he was 
about to become a witness of the exercise of every 
Christian virtue. How great then was his surprise 
on beholding the luxury, licentiousness, and de- 

* See Appendix K. 

t Ulenberg, Vit. Luther, p. 9. This author may be relied on in 
the present case, although, in general, his hostility to Luther leads 
him into misrepresentation. He says of the Reformer, erat acri 
quidem etfelici, sed vehementi, pertinaci atque impetuoso ingenio. 
For a character of Ulenberg, see Claude's Defence of the Refor- 
mation, p. 102. Ed. 1673. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 37 



bauehery, which pervaded all ranks, " I have seen," 
he says, " the pope and the pope's court, and I 
have had opportunity of personally observing the 
morals of the Roman clergy. — I celebrated mass 
there, and I had occasion to see it celebrated by 
others, with so much indecency that I am still 
unable to think of it without disgust.— I have seen 
courtesans place themselves at the very altar, laugh- 
ing and behaving in the most irreverent manner. 
I have heard them say over the bread and wine at 
the altar : 4 Bread thou art, and thou shalt re- 
main bread ; wine thou art, and thou shalt remain 
wine.' " — The Italian clergy were accustomed to say 
mass with so much haste and indifference, that be- 
fore Luther came to the Gospel part of the service, 
they had found means to run through the whole, 
and ridiculed him openly for the devotional air 
with which he performed it. Disgusting as were 
these scenes, their practical influence on Luther's 
future conduct was of the most beneficial kind. 
They contributed more than any thing to open his 
eyes to papal delusion, and he used often afterwards 
to exclaim, " That he would not, for the value of a 
thousand florins, have missed the instruction afforded 
him by the journey to Rome." We must, notwith- 
standing, keep in mind that his dislike was con- 
fined, at this early period, to the conduct of indi- 
viduals: the time was not yet come for the adoption 
of a similar feeling towards the institutions of the 
church. Distant, however, as it was, several of his 
friends had already ventured to predict that he 
would one day confound the doctors, and lay the 
foundation of a new creed. They founded their ex- 
pectation on his intimate acquaintance with Scrip- 



38 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



ture, and on his deriving from it " principles which 
neither Sophists, Scotists, Albertists, nor Thomists, 
could controvert." In truth it was his acquaintance 
with the sacred volume which gave him, as we shall 
see hereafter, a decided advantage over his antago- 
nists. " This kind of knowledge was so rare," says 
Mosheim, 4 ' " that when Luther arose, there could 
hot be found, even in the university of Paris, which 
was considered as the first and most famous of all 
the public schools of learning, a single person qua- 
lified to dispute with him, or oppose his doctrine, 
upon a scripture foundation." 

On returning from Rome, Luther took the de- 
gree of Doctor in Divinity. This title was conferred 
on him under flattering circumstances ; the elector 
Frederick voluntarily engaging to defray the ex- 
pense, and the Augustinians using much entreaty to 
prevent his declining the proffered honour. The 
possession of this literary distinction was eventually 
conducive both to his personal safety and to the 
success of the Reformation. It conferred on him 
the right of teaching publicly, as well as privately ; 
a right which he never failed to urge when his op- 
ponents wished to prevent him from delivering pub- 
lic discourses. Frederick now condescended to 
hear him preach, and was much struck with the 
strength and soundness of his doctrine. Audivit 
Fredericus concionantem ; et vim ingenii, et nervos 
oralionis ac rerum bonitatem expositarum in con- 
cionibus, admiratus est.\ 

Divinity continuing Luther's favourite study, the 
elector was pleased to accede to his wish of direct- 



* Vol. Hi. p. 298. 



f Melancth. Praef. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 



39 



ing his attention to it exclusively, and permitted 
him in 1512, to exchange the philosophical for the 
theological chair in the university. It would be 
difficult to conceive any thing more erroneous or 
perverted than the mode of teaching divinity in 
those days. The plain doctrines and precepts of 
the Gospel were little known ; and divinity, like 
morals and physics, was considered a mere praxis, 
on which to found a display of logical dexterity. 
The influence of this vitiated routine affected Luther, 
as well as his cotemporaries, and has been found to 
leave its traces on a later age. — It may not be unin- 
structive to trace, at some length, the rise and pro- 
gress of the singular alliance which so long existed 
between Christianity and the Greek philosophy. If 
we go back to its commencement, we find that 
Platonism was the system first connected with our 
religion. Origen, the author of this extraordinary 
conjunction, was born in Alexandria, about the 
year 185, and was taught his philosophic creed by 
the Platonists of that degenerate school. Applying 
the habit of system-making to religion, he became 
the first who attempted to reduce the tenets of 
Christianity into a connected scheme. Before the 
time of this philosopher no other arrangement than 
that of the New Testament had been thought of. In 
the labours of Origen, the execution is more open to 
reprehension than the intention. Partial to the 
creed of the latter Platonists, he was unwilling to 
account any part of it irreconcileable to the Chris- 
tian doctrine, and accordingly undertook the ardu- 
ous, or rather impracticable task, of establishing 
their harmony and coincidence. No doubt of the 
divine authority of both seems ever to have entered 



40 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



his mind ; and the influence of his name, joined to 
the great popularity of the Alexandrian academy, 
soon made it fashionable to incorporate their doc- 
trines with the religion of Jesus.* 

The Platonic philosophy bore, it must be ad- 
mitted, a nearer resemblance to Christianity than 
any other system. The study of it had a tendency 
to excite meditation on the nature of the Deity, and 
on the relation between the Supreme Being and the 
human mind. But the latter Platonists went in- 
finitely beyond the outline prescribed by their 
founder, and carried their credulity so far, as to 
imagine that every difficulty or mystery in Chris- 
tianity might be solved by means of a reference to 
his writings. It was in this manner that they at- 
tempted to explain the nature of the Trinity, of 
the person of Christ, of the Incarnation, and of 
other doctrines of equal obscurity. The author 
of the works attributed to Dionysius the Areo- 
pagite, (but which were in reality written towards 
the end of the fifth century,) carried the matter 
still farther, and sought in Platonic principles an 
explanation of the Scripture appellations of God, as 
well as of the nature of the hierarchy, and many 
other questions equally remote from the compass of 
Greek philosophy. 

After the lapse, however, of three centuries, a 
time approached when the popularity of the alliance 
between Christianity and Platonism was about to be 
shaken; and the latter was to yield its place to the 
Peripatetic doctrine. In the sixth century, Boethius 
began to apply the principles of Aristotle to an ex- 



* See Appendix L. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 



41 



planation of Christian tenets, and in the eighth cen- 
tury, John, of Damascus, both published an abridg- 
ment of Aristotle's philosophy, and made use of it 
in a work in which he attempted to reduce all ques- 
tions in theology to a system. The circumstance of 
Origen being deemed a heretic by the church, was 
a powerful argument for gradually exchanging the 
Platonic for the Aristotelian doctrine, and, by the 
eleventh century, the analytics of Aristotle became 
very generally taught. John the Sophist, Rosceline, 
and Anselm, were the first who gave extensive po- 
pularity to that method. They were succeeded by 
the famous Abelard, Gilbert, and others, who read 
public lectures on the Aristotelian logic. — Otho, of 
Freisinghen, is considered to have been the first who 
introduced it into Germany. 

But it may be fairly suspected that neither the 
plausible character of the Aristotelian logic, nor 
the zeal of its advocates, could have rendered its 
adoption so general, if the church of Rome had not 
stood in need of its aid. Its abstract and subtile 
nature presented a very convenient medium for the 
defence of the absurdities of the Catholic creed. 
The obscurities of trans u Instantiation were trans- 
formed into plausible doctrines by the magic of the 
mood and figure of the founder of the Pagan 
Lyceum. In the days of Luther, the teachers of 
divinity might be divided into three classes, accord- 
ing as they had adopted the respective tenets of the 
Positivi, the Sententiarii, or the MysticL— -The 
Positivi had several additional appellations, being 
called Biblici, or Bible Doctors, Dogmatici or 
Didactic Divines, and Veteres or Ancients. Their 
method appears to have been liable to fewer 6bj.ec- 

F 



42 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



dons than that of the others. Though in their illus- 
trations of religious doctrines, they unfortunately 
disregarded the aid of learning or reflection, they 
not unfrequently made reference to Scripture for the 
confirmation of their tenets. An undue reverence 
for tradition indeed led many of them astray ; yet 
we can perceive in their attempts to explain the Old 
and New Testaments, the outline of a plan which, 
in a less ignorant age, would have led to instructive 
conclusions. 

The " Sententiarii" were by far the most numer- 
ous and popular of these sects. Their name was 
derived from the deference which they showed to 
the " Magister Sententiarum," the noted Peter 
Lombard, archbishop of Paris, in the middle of 
the twelfth century, author of the four books of 
" Sentences." This work consisted of a compila- 
tion of passages, extracted from the writings of the 
Fathers, and was an attempt both to reconcile their 
contradictions and to correct the errors already in- 
troduced by the scholastic philosophy. Though 
now an object of contempt, this production was so 
thoroughly adapted to the standard of the age, that 
it was soon received as a text-book throughout 
European seminaries, and the task of commenting 
on it became a favourite object of rivalship. From 
its contradiction, in various respects, to the system 
of theology defended by the school logic, the 
Sententiarii were at first cautious of taking the latter 
as the vehicle of their speculations ; but the magic 
of the Aristotelian name, and the influence of the 
celebrated Abelard,* proved superior to all objections. 



See Appendix M. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 



43 



The explanation of the " Sentences," and the culti- 
vation of the school logic went, by a happy coin- 
cidence, hand in hand ; while, to complete the de- 
lusion, the adherents of this creed thought proper 
to overlook all reference to the authority of the 
Scriptures. 

The Mystici, or Mystics, differed considerably 
from either of the preceding. Their great rule was 
to loosen the stress laid on the externals of religion, 
and to direct the attention to the cultivation of the 
love of God. They were in general persons of 
warm temper and upright intentions, exemplary in 
their morals, but strongly actuated by enthusiasm. 
Although Luther, in his lectures on divinity, does 
not appear to have adhered to any of these sects, we 
may safely infer, that from constitutional feeling he 
was attached to the Mystics ; while his plan of 
literary research approached to that of the Biblical 
Doctors. 

Divinity having now become the object of Luther's 
professional duty, as well as of his choice, he im- 
mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled 
ardour. It was in his eyes the " nucleus nucis" 
the " medulla tritici et ossium"* 

The first subject on which he delivered lectures 
was the Epistle to the Romans, a choice probably 
founded on a desire to explain to his pupils his con- 
ception of the Doctrine of Justification. His next 
exercise was an illustration of the Book of Psalms, 
in which he chiefly followed the exposition of 
Augustine. As he advanced in his researches, he 
became, as is usual, more conscious of his deficien- 



Seckend. p. 19. 



44 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



cies. He now felt the necessity of acquiring a 
knowledge of Hebrew. One of the most eminent 
restorers of learning, John Reuchlin, surnamed 
Capnion,* had already enforced the necessity of a 
knowledge of this language to all who aimed at pro- 
ficiency in Biblical criticism ; but he had been op- 
posed by the whole host of scholastic philosophers. 
Luther, however, thought differently, and spared 
no pains to drink deep of Scripture knowledge at 
the fountain head. Nor did he fail to direct a por- 
tion of his time and labour to the study of Greek, 
although it does not appear that he was anxious to 
make much farther progress in that language than 
was necessary to a thorough acquaintance with the 
New Testament. We have no evidence of his giving 
much attention to the perusal of Greek classics ; 
but his omission of this branch of study is to be at- 
tributed more to the absorption of his mind in theo- 
logical pursuits, than to an imperfect knowledge of 
the language, his acquaintance with which is attested 
by very competent judges. t 

In proportion as Luther's views became extended, 
his antipathy to the Aristotelian philosophy in- 
creased. This is apparent from his letters to Spa- 
latin in 1514 and 1516 ; and a letter to John 
Langus, a zealous Aristotelian, written February 8, 
1516, contains this whimsical declaration. " If," 

* See Appendix N. 

f Ipse etiam Lutherus Grsecae et Hebraicae linguae studiis se 
dedere ccepit, ut cognita sermonis proprietate et phrasi, et 
hausta ex fontibus doetrina, dexterius judicare possit. Meianct. 
Prasf. 

Lutherus harura linguarum (Graecarum et Hebraicarum) rudis 
non est. Erasmi Adagia. Op, torn. iii. p. 933. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 



45 



said Luther, " I did not know that Aristotle was a 
man, I would not be ashamed to say he was the 
devil." Yet, though Luther was aware of the fallacy 
of the school logic in the investigation of truth, the 
influence which it continued to have on his habits 
exhibited a remarkable proof of the strength of 
early impressions. It is in a great measure to the 
turn for disputation created by a scholastic educa- 
tion, that we are to attribute the subsequent occur- 
rence of dissensions between him and his friends, as 
well as some remarkable tenets bequeathed by him 
to his followers, and maintained by Protestant sects 
to the present day. 

The gradual and almost imperceptible progress 
towards change in the mind of Luther, prevented 
any suspicion from being excited by his early dis- 
coveries of fallacy in the Romish creed. His 
official superior, Staupitz, had no hesitation in ap- 
pointing him his vicar, to examine into the state of 
the monasteries in Saxony, and to exercise in his 
absence a general superintendence. In this capacity 
Luther had occasion to visit nearly forty Augustini- 
an monasteries, which gave him a very favourable 
opportunity of disseminating instruction, as well as 
of laying the foundation of that personal attachment 
to himself, which was so fully displayed in his sub- 
sequent troubles. No man, however, was less 
solicitous to make a study of ingratiating himself 
with the world. Of this some idea may be formed 
by an extract of a letter addressed, June 8, 1516, 
to Spalatin, in which, speaking of his sovereign, the 
elector, he says, " Many things please your prince, 
and are wonderfully esteemed by him, which dis- 
please and are an abomination to God. I do not 



46 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



deny, that in the transaction of the ordinary affairs 
of life he is the most prudent of men ; but in things 
which relate to God, or the salvation of the soul, I 
esteem him, as well as Pfeffinger,* almost seven 
times blind." 

Luther discovered equal candour in acknowledg- 
ing his slow progress in attaining the knowledge 
which produced his change of religious opinion. In 
the preface to his works, written a short time before 
his death, he thus expressed himself : " I was at 
first alone, and certainly unskilful, and unfit for the 
management of so great affairs. I mention these 
things, that he who shall read my works may keep 
in mind that I was one of those who (as Augustine 
writes of himself) profited by writing and teaching, 
and not one of those, who from nothing are said to 
become suddenly very great divines, though they 
have neither laboured, attempted, nor experienced 
any thing ; but, by one glance at Scripture, are 
said to make themselves perfectly masters of its 
spirit." 

The following passage is from the same preface, 
and is extremely characteristic of Luther ? s vehe- 
mence : 4 i Let the reader know that I was formerly 
a monk, and that when I engaged in the cause of 
Reformation, I was a most frantic papist ; so in- 
toxicated, nay, so drenched in the dogmas of the 
pope, that I was quite ready to put to death, if I 
had been able, or to co-operate with those who 
would have put to death persons who refused 
obedience to the pope in any single article. Thus, I 
was not ice and coldness itself, in defending the 

* Pfeffinger was chamberlain and minister to Frederick. 
Seckend. p. 20. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 47 



papacy, like Eckius and his associates, who appeared 
to me to act more from selfishness (ventris causa), 
than from conviction. Even to this day they seem 
to me to do the same, and to make a mockery of 
the pope like Epicureans. I, on the other hand, 
was in thorough earnest, being dreadfully afraid of 
the day of judgment, and desirous, from my inmost 
soul, to be saved."* 

It would gratify a laudable curiosity to be able to 
trace with accuracy Luther's progressive advance 
in knowledge and change of views ; but until 1517, 
when he declared himself in open hostility to the 
church of Rome, our materials, in this respect, are 
scanty. Few of his early letters have been pre- 
served. Among those which remain, one of the 
most remarkable was written the year before the 
period which we have mentioned. It was addressed 
to Spalatin, his steady friend and advocate at the 
court of Saxony. It bears date October 19, 
1516, and contains observations on the works of 
the Fathers, but more particularly on the mode of 
studying or interpreting the Scriptures attempted 
in the preceding year by Erasmus. 

" The reasons," says Luther, " which induce 
me to oppose Erasmus, a very learned person, are 
the following. In interpreting what the Apostle 
says with respect to the righteousness of works, or 
of the law, or one's own righteousness, he under- 
stands the ceremonial and figurative observances en- 
joined by the Mosaic law. And again, although 
he admits the doctrine of original sin, he seems un- 
willing to allow that the apostle treats of that 



* See Appendix O. 



48 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



subject in the fifth chapter of the Epistle to the 
Romans. Now, whoever has read what Augustine 
has written against the Pelagians, especially in his 
treatise on the " Spirit and Letter ;'" his discourse on 
the " Merit and Remission of Sins," and his argu- 
ments against two letters of the Pelagians, and 
against Julian, must perceive how little he indulges 
in his own sentiments ; rather expressing what 
Cyprian, Naziailzen, Rheticius,* Irenseus, Hilary, 
Olympius, Innocent, and Ambrose have defended. 
Perhaps Erasmus does not rightly understand the 
meaning of the apostle, but Augustine is worthy 
of more credit than he has been willing to grant 
him. Indeed I do not hesitate to dissent so far 
from Erasmus, that, in regard to interpreting 
Scripture, I prefer. Augustine as much to Jerome, as 
he prefers Jerome to Augustine. Not that I am com- 
pelled to approve of what Augustine has delivered, 
in consequence of my profession as a monk of his 
Order, or that I valued his works much before I 
had an opportunity of perusing them ; but because 
I perceive that Jerome has devoted the whole of his 
attention to the historical meaning of Scripture. 
It is a singular circumstance that he expounds 
Scripture much more happily when he treats of it 
incidentally, as in his letters, than when he at- 
tempts a formal exposition, as in his Opuscula. 
The righteousness of the law or of works does not 
consist in the observance of ceremonies, but rather 
in obeying all that the Decalogue enjoins. Actions 
performed independently of the faith of Christ 

* Rheticius was bishop of Autun, and flourished about the year 
320. Vid. Trethem. de Script. Eccles. ap. Bibliothec. Ecclesiast. 
Fabric, p. 18. See also Cave's Hist. Lit. 



FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 49 



such as were done by the Fabricii, Reguli, and 
other persons, who are held in estimation among 
men, but whose motives were not influenced by the 
Gospel ; such works, I say, had no more relation 
to what in the Scripture is called righteousness, 
than apples have to figs. I oppose the doctrine of 
Aristotle, who says that by doing justly we are 
'justified,' unless that term be used in a peculiar 
sense. The just perform good works, but it is first 
necessary that the state of the person be changed ; 
the works follow of course-— Abel was accepted 
before his offerings— -but of this elsewhere. I am 
now to beg that you will discharge the duty of a 
friend and of a Christian, and inform Erasmus of 
what I have written. I hope, and am anxiously 
desirous, that his authority may become celebrated; 
I am at the same time afraid lest, by means of the 
same authority, many may be induced to adopt the 
manner of defending the literal method, that is the 
dead letter, of which Lyra's commentary is full, 
and almost all commentators since the days of 
Augustine."* 

This letter is interesting as containing an ex- 
position of Luther's sentiments on a most im- 
portant doctrine in opposition to the church, before 
he had any thought of commencing the work of 
Reformation. The time, however, was now arriving, 
when that opposition, though confined to mere opi- 
nion, was about to create him enemies. Saxony 
was at that time divided into two principalities, 
governed by two distinct branches of the House of 
Saxony. Frederick, as representative of the elder 



* Seckend.p. 23. 

G 



50 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



branch, held the rank of elector ; George, head of 
the younger branch, was the hereditary ruler of an 
extensive territory, comprehending Dresden, Leip- 
sic, and several other cities of importance. He had 
the title of duke, and was extremely different, both 
in his religious creed and in general disposition, from 
his relation Frederick, Having heard of Luther's 
fame, and having prevailed on Staupitz to send him 
to Dresden to preach, the Reformer, instead of se- 
lecting inoffensive topics, had the boldness to deliver 
his real sentiments on the " assurance of faith and 
predestination." Not satisfied with declaring tenets 
at open variance with those of the bigotted court of 
Dresdon, he held a public disputation in that city 
with the sect of Thomists, on the twenty-fifth of 
July, 1517, the nature of which, in connection with 
his previous discourse, made a lasting impression on 
the duke and those around him. We shall in the 
sequel have frequent occasion to recur to the conduct 
of this prince, and to notice his inveterate hostility 
to Luther and the Reformation. 



YEAR 1517. 



5;t 



CHAPTER III. 

YEAR 1517. 

WE are now arrived at that part of Luther's 
history when, from a state of obscurity, he ven- 
tured to come forward as the antagonist of the 
doctrines of the church. We shall find him pro- 
mulgating his opinions from the outset with a 
boldness which attracted the attention of all Ger- 
many, yet nothing was farther from his wish than 
to proceed to the extremity of a quarrel with the 
See of Rome. He was in many respects not only 
a sincere but a zealous Catholic. Besides, the 
power of the church was so transcendent as to 
render almost ridiculous any deliberate project of 
opposition on the part of an individual. To ques- 
tion the foundation of her authority had been 
hitherto accounted not only an aggression on the 
laws of civil society but rebellion against the will 
of God. The papal decrees were ratified, it was 
believed, in heaven ; nay, the presence of the 
Almighty, it was affirmed, attended his church 
and protected her from error. She was thus con- 
sidered to possess the right of demanding unlimited 
submission to her decrees. The antiquity of her 
doctrine was deemed incontrovertible evidence of 
its truth ; and above all, it was accounted the duty 
of every Christian to maintain the " unity of the 
faith." The memory of those who had attempted 



52 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

to propagate new doctrines was held in detestation? 
and even Luther, as we shall see hereafter, was re- 
tarded in his bold career by the dread of incurring 
the name of schismatic. 

In addition to this powerful hold over public 
opinion, the leaders of the church possessed the 
command of more direct weapons of offence. Ex- 
communication and capital punishment had, in 
former ages, been employed with fatal success in 
crushing the spirit of innovation. The Bohemians 
were now silent. The Waldenses and Albigenses 
were contented to live in the fastnesses of the Alps, 
purchasing the liberty of free worship by seclusion 
from the rest of the world. Nor was there any 
reason to expect that the ecclesiastical rulers of the 
sixteenth century would be more disposed than 
their predecessors to forego an appeal to decisive 
extremities.* 

If we look to the personal character of the 
Pontiffs, who preceded the sera of the Reformation, 
we find that the multiplied crimes of Julius and 
Borgia had degraded them in the eyes of the well- 
informed part of the European community ; but 
the disgrace attached infinitely less to the office 
than to the individual. Many persons were to be 
found, and among the rest Luther, who bowed de- 

* The history of the Waldenses is comparatively little known 
among us. Many curious particulars respecting them are to be 
found in the History of the Evangelical Churches of the vallies 
of Piedmont, by Samuel Morland. Morland was Cromwell's 
Commissioner Extraordinary for the affairs of those vallies. 
He deposited the originals from which he derived his materials 
in the public library of the university of Cambridge. His his- 
tory was published at London, in 1 658, and is dedicated to the 
Protector. 



YEAR 1517. 



53 



voutly to the See of Rome, without entertaining 
much respect for the character of its occupants. By 
this time too the papal chair had begun to recover 
from the stain consequent on the conduct of these 
unprincipled pontiffs. Leo X. had been advanced 
to the purple, and brought with him all the fame of 
the House of Medici, along with the reputation at- 
tached to the liberal patronage of literature and the 
arts. He thus secured the praises of that class in 
society who were most likely to disseminate his 
popularity ; and, his vices remaining concealed from 
the public eye, the Reformation had to struggle 
with the odium of opposition to a respected pontiff. 
All these circumstances concur to show, that had it 
not been for the interference of an over-ruling Pro- 
vidence, the Reformation could not possibly have 
taken place. 

The coffers of the church of Rome being emptied 
by a course of extravagant dissipation, Leo had 
recourse to the sale of " Indulgences." Indulgen- 
ces, such as they were now represented, may be 
defined, " remissions of any sin whatever on pay- 
ment of a sum of money according to a fixed table of 
rates." This extraordinary traffic was defended on 
the pretended authority of Scripture, and by a re- 
ference to the conduct of the Apostles, whose suc- 
cessors the heads of the Romish church think 
proper to style themselves. Though a commerce 
something similar had subsisted at a very early 
period, the year 1100 may be looked on as the date 
of the commencement of Indulgences, such as they 
continued at the sera of the Reformation. The 
frenzy of recovering the Holy Land had at that 
time seized the Christian world, and it was the 



54 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

custom to regard the persons engaged in these ex- 
travagant enterprises, as the most effectual labourers 
for the glory of God. While the military com- 
batants were actuated by enthusiasm, the ecclesias- 
tical leaders looked to the more substantial con- 
siderations of increase of authority and revenue. 
Pope Urban II. went the length of granting Ple- 
nary Indulgences, or the remission of all sins, to 
those who should embark in the attempt of re- 
covering the holy sepulchre from the hands of in- 
fidels. His successors found it necessary to alter 
and extend the conditions of obtaining this most 
acceptable boon. Many persons willing to embark 
in the holy warfare were unable to quit their homes 
and their families. The alternative in that case was 
to furnish a substitute, an arrangement which the 
church of Rome admitted as a title to the grant of 
an " Indulgence." 

When the warfare against the Turks ceased to 
interest the majority of Europe, one of the chief 
classes of persons to whom the church con- 
ferred Indulgences, was the zealots who showed 
themselves vehement in the persecution of dis- 
senters, or, to use the clerical term, heretics. Next 
came, in the time of Boniface VIII. the appoint- 
ment of a Jubilee, or periodical resort of Christians 
to Rome. The advantages to the church of such 
an institution are sufficiently obvious. It had a 
direct tendency to establish the supremacy of the 
Roman patriarch, and to bring an influx of wealth 
into the Holy City. The regular term of the stay 
there was thirty days, with a conditional limitation 
to fifteen, if the devotee had come from a very 
great distance. The profligate Boniface published 



YEAR 1517. 



55 



Indulgences to all who should repair to Rome in 
the year 1300, and every fiftieth year from that 
time. The scheme having succeeded, Clement VI. 
gave notice in 1342, that Indulgences would be 
dispensed in 1350. Succeeding popes continued 
the gainful expedient, and two of them thought 
proper to abridge the duration of the interval be- 
tween the Jubilees, Urban VI'. having reduced it 
to thirty-three years, and Paul II. to twenty-five. 
The revolution of the Jubilee in 1500 took place 
under Alexander VI. who went beyond his prede- 
cessors in this kind of traffic, as well as in other 
iniquity.* 

From the history of " Indulgences," we now 
proceed to say a few words about their nature and 
supposed efficacy. Here we very soon find our- 
selves on disputed ground. Generally speaking, 
Indulgences were understood as remissions of pe- 
nance. At first they proceeded from bishops only; 
but afterwards penitentiary priests, and, in course 
of time, confessors of all descriptions were in- 
vested with the power of this important distribu- 
tion. It was understood that the remissions were 
derived less from ecclesiastical authority than from 
the merits of the saints. These merits, in as far 
as they exceeded what was necessary for the salva- 

* Of Alexander VI. ? s bull about Indulgences, Felix Faber, a 
monk of Ulm, writes, " The Pope hath sealed this bull with a 
leaden seal, because he is high priest of the Christian world. 
Peter's head is engraven on the seal, to intimate that by his 
keys heaven is opened to them who pay due regard to the bull. 
The head of Paul is also upon it, to signify that by the sword 
of Paul those who disregard the bull shall be driven to hell, 
&c." This monk's commentary may be seen at length in 
Seckend. p. 9> 



56 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



tion of the saints, were collected, as our credulous 
forefathers believed, into a coffer of which the pope 
kept the key, and was enabled to dispose as he 
thought proper. As the merits of the saints amounted 
only to a finite sum, it was found politic to add to 
the stock the infinite merits of our Saviour. This 
being once declared, the merits of the saints were 
accounted by many persons like a few small drops, 
while those of Christ formed an immense ocean. 
The buyer of an Indulgence was understood to re- 
ceive a portion of these superabundant merits, suf- 
ficient to constitute either a pardon for his own sins, 
or the release of a deceased relation from the pains 
of purgatory. 

Four hundred years had now elapsed since the 
popes had begun the distribution of " Indulgences." 
In resorting to their sale, Leo is said to have been 
actuated by the advice of Cardinal Lorenzo Pueci.* 
In taking this step, Leo committed no innovation, 
but he discovered a strange inattention to the altered 
state of society and the increased diffusion of know- 
ledge. Plethoric in constitution and fond of ease 
and pleasure, he was little disposed to contemplate 
the unfavourable side of things, or to apprehend 
mischief from the indecent urgency with which the 
business was conducted. As if it had not been 
enough to extend the purchase of pardons to the 
living, these ecclesiastical charms were declared ca- 
pable of relieving from purgatory the souls of the 
dead. Indulgences were also issued to eat flesh, 
eggs, milk, cheese, and butter upon fast days, and 
the liberty of choosing one's own confessor w r as 



'* See Appendix P. 



YEAR 1517. 



51 



granted on payment of a stipulated compensation. 
The f>apal briefs for this purpose were expedited in 
1514 and 1515, but the sale of the Indulgences did 
not commence till 1516 and 1517. 

In support of such collections, it was customary 
for the court of Rome to address itself to some of 
the strongest feelings of a Christian community. « 
On the present occasion, the ostensible motives were 
the expense of carrying on the war against the 
Turkish infidels, and of finishing in a style of mag- 
nificence the church of St. Peter at Rome. The 
money, however, went to neither purpose, but was 
lavished in gratifying the luxury of the court of 
Rome and of its dependents. It is even reported 
that a considerable portion of the expected produce 
of the Indulgences was mortgaged by anticipation. 
The sum to be levied from Saxony and the neigh- 
bouring part of Germany was appropriated, we are 
told by Guicciardini,* (though others say differently) 
to the pope's sister, Magdalen, as a compensation 
for the expense which Leo had occasioned to her 
family, on being obliged, in the time of Alexander 
VI. to take refuge in Genoa. Magdalen's husband 
was Franceschetto Cibo, a natural son of Innocent 
VIII. who, in consequence of this alliance with the 
House of Medici, had created Leo a cardinal at the 
early age of fourteen, and thus laid the foundation 
of his future greatness. Magdalen, reckoning with 
confidence on the collection of a large sum from the 
Indulgences, appointed as her deputies, Arcemboldi, 
a person remarkable for his avarice, and Albert, 
archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg. The latter 



See Appendix Q. 

H 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



employed as his quaestor, as such officers were 
called, one John Tetzel, a Dominican monk, whose 
character was notoriously immoral. He had been 
capitally convicted of adultery, and sentenced to be 
thrown headlong into the river Inn, but pardoned 
by the emperor at the intercession of the elector 
Frederick. 

Of the different monastic fraternities of the church, 
none at this time were more active than the Domi- 
nicans. The Inquisition had been instituted by 
their founder, and now continued under their direc- 
tion. The individuals composing the Order were 
remarkable for a strong esprit de corps, so that al- 
together their popularity and power were great. 
The sale of Indulgences having been intrusted chiefly 
to them, the earliest opponents of the Reformation 
appeared, as we shall find in the sequel, among their 
ranks. Tetzel seems to have been selected for the 
traffic in Indulgences in Saxony, on account of his 
activity and popular address, recommendations 
however which were greatly outweighed by his 
demerits. He was not only grossly ignorant, but 
petulant and presumptuous in the extreme. In ex- 
tolling the efficacy of the Indulgences, he ventured, 
in the sixteenth century, to go to a length which 
could hardly have been tolerated in the darkest of 
the Gothic ages. In his harangues it was not un- 
usual for him to make the disgusting affirmation, 
" that had any one debauched, were it possible, the 
mother of our Saviour, the Indulgence would be 
adequate to the conveyance of absolution."* No 
wonder that such impious declamations roused 



* See Appendix R. 



YEAR 1517. 59 

Luther from a state of solitary meditation to active 
opposition. It appears, on his own authority, that 
he was engaged, at the time of the commencement 
of TetzePs operations, in studying divinity for the 
instruction of his class, and, in particular, the doc- 
trine of repentance.* He candidly confesses that, 
on beginning to question the sale of Indulgences, 
he knew nothing of their origin or history. Other 
members of the church were, he adds, in general 
as ignorant as himself, the Indulgences deriving 
their weight solely from the authority of usage. 
His researches accordingly originated, less in a de- 
sire of effecting a change in the distribution of In- 
dulgences, than from an eagerness to ascertain their 
real nature. As he could not, to borrow an expres- 
sion of his own, obtain information from the dead, 
meaning the writings of lawyers and divines, he 
determined to- apply for instruction to the living, 
and to form his opinion by the answer of the 
church. t 

Luther seems to have laid great stress on Tetzel's 
overbearing and disgusting manner. This, no doubt, 
was calculated to provoke him extremely, but we 
are informed by Myconius,J a cotemporary and 
friend of Luther, that there was another and a more 
direct reason. In addition to the duty of teaching 
his class and preaching, Luther occasionally heard 
confessions. In the exercise of this function, in the 
year 1517, some persons came to him to confess, 
and though guilty of serious crimes, refused to un- 
dergo the penance prescribed by him, because they 



* Luther, i. 100. 

% Ap. Seckend. p. 17- 



f Luther, i. 50. 



60 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



had already received remission in the shape of an 
Indulgence. Luther, revolting at this evasion, flatly 
refused them the absolution for which they applied. 
As he persisted in this negative determination, the 
persons in question, considering themselves ag- 
grieved, entered a serious complaint against him 
with Tetzel, who was at that time in the neigh- 
bourhood of the town of Interbock. Tetzel, con- 
fident of support from his superiors, assumed all the 
consequence of a plenipotentiary of the court of 
Rome. In an evil hour for the papacy, he became 
violently incensed against Luther, and being one of 
the holy commission charged with the extirpation of 
heresy, he threatened to subject Luther, and those 
who might adhere to him, to the horrors of the In- 
quisition. To keep the populace in awe and prevent 
Luther's opposition from being imitated, he caused 
a pile for burning heretics to be erected in a con- 
spicuous situation. But all these threats were un- 
availing, and Luther, once roused, persevered in his 
course with his characteristic intrepidity. 

This is the place to refute an invidious imputation 
brought against Luther by several Catholic writers, 
in respect to the purity of his motives in opposing 
the sale of Indulgences. His resistance, they pre- 
tend, took its rise from the vindictive jealousy of the 
Augustine friars, on being superseded by the Domi- 
nicans in the exercise of this lucrative traffic. A 
bare reference to Luther's history, and to his con- 
stant contempt for money, is sufficient to shake the 
credibility of the charge. During his life-time no 
such insinuation was ever made, notwithstanding 
his numerous controversies, and the calumnious ex- 
aggerations of his enemies. But the foundation of 



YEAR 1517. 



61 



the whole is hollow, for the Augustinians appear 
never to have been entrusted with the sale of Indul- 
gences in Germany. Pallavicini, and other zealous 
advocates of the Vatican, however hostile to Luther 
in other respects, have the candour to relinquish this 
point. In the beginning, Luther, so far from being 
actuated by irritation at the court of Rome, proceeded 
on the belief that the pope would approve and sup- 
port his opposition to Indulgences. His opinion of 
Leo's character was at that time very high, and had 
been lately raised by hearing of some censure ex- N 
pressed by the holy father on the indecent forward- 
ness of the preachers of Indulgences.* 

The manner in which Luther proceeded affords a 
convincing proof that he acted with no deliberate hos- 
tility to the church. Conformably to the custom of 
the age, in the case of doubtful points, he came to 
the determination of stating his ideas in a series of 
propositions, w 7 ith a view to a public disputation. 
Accordingly, on the 31st Oct. 1517, he published 
ninety-five propositions, discussing copiously the 
doctrines of penitence, charity, indulgences, purga- 
tory, &c. Having affixed these propositions to the 
church adjacent to the castle of Wittemberg, an in- 
vitation to a public disputation on them was sub- 
joined, accompanied with a request, that those who 
w T ere necessarily absent would transmit him their 
observations in writing. The words of this intima- 
tion deserve to be recorded, and were as follows: 

Amore et studio elvxidandce veritatis hcec sub- 
scripta themata disputabuntur Wittembergce, pre- 
sidente R. P. Martino Luthero, Eremitano Angus- 

* Luther, prsef. Seckend. p. 16. 



62 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



tiniano, artium et S. Theologies JMagistro, ejusdem 
ibidem ordinario Lectore. Quare petit, ut qui non 
possunt verbis prcesentes nobiscum disputare, agant 
id Uteris absentes. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu 
Christi. Amen* 

The practice of holding public disputations had 
long been common in Europe. Before the invention 
of printing, these discussions presented almost the 
only mode by which a scholar could extend his repu- 
tation or attract attention to his discoveries. The 
school-logic was the armour in which these intel- 
lectual combatants were in the habit of encountering 
each other. To appoint a disputation did not neces- 
sarily imply the circulation of opinions completely 
formed, but was rather to be considered a notice of 
a certain progress in inquiry made on the part of an 
individual* who was desirous of farther information. 

Luther's " propositions," or " theses," as they 
were termed, consisted in a chain of affirmations and 
deductions intimately related to each other. Though 
apparently nothing more than a series of abstract 
reasonings, it was easy to foresee that, if permitted 
to extend, they would have a direct and serious ef- 
fect on certain branches of church revenue. His 
views of the nature of repentance differed materially 
from those on which the sale of Indulgences was 
conducted. The current doctrine in regard to 
" confession and compensation" proceeded on the 
supposition that all previous guilt was cancelled by 
the performance of these acts. Indulgences were of 
still greater efficacy, and were represented as con- 
taining the pardon of sins not yet committed. 



* Luther, i. 51. 



YEAR 1517. 



63 



Luther subjected these extravagant tenets to an 
analysis on the principles of the general doctrine of 
repentance. From the tenor of Christ's command 
to repent, we ought not, he maintained, to contem- 
plate the discharge of a solitary act of contrition, but 
the habitual and daily exercise of penitence. Peni- 
tence administered under the name of a sacrament 
by a priest could, in his opinion, have no exist- 
ence ; the true repentance enjoined by Christ con- 
sisting in internal compunction, accompanied by ex- 
ternal acts of mortification. As Indulgences were 
founded on the assumption that the pope could for- 
give sin, Luther proceeded to scrutinize and define 
this part also of the Catholic creed. The Holy Fa- 
ther, he said, was neither able nor willing to remit 
any punishment except that which is prescribed by 
the canons ; or such as he himself might have im- 
posed by virtue of his personal authority. Strictly 
speaking, the pope, he added, could in himself be 
the author of no remission, but merely the declarer 
of what was granted by God. We see here by 
what gradual steps Luther began to limit his im- 
pressions of the extent of the papal prerogative. So 
little was he, as yet, disposed to question the autho- 
rity of the church, that he declared the offender, in 
a case of forgiveness thus communicated, bound to 
profess his submission to a priest, and to consider 
him, in that instance, as God's vicar. 

Luther assumed a more decided tone in repro- 
bating the notion of benefiting by Indulgences the 
souls of the dead. By a course of reasoning, which 
in that day was not accounted superfluous, he main- 
tained that the prescriptions in the canon law rela- 
tive to penitence were applicable only to the living : 



64 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



that penance was originally imposed not after abso- 
lution, but before it, and was chiefly intended as a 
test of the sincerity of the offender's contrition. 
"The Holy Spirit in the pope," he said, " always 
excepts in his decrees the articles of death or neces- 
sity. The punishment endured in purgatory is in- 
tended, like all other punishment, for the most salu- 
tary purposes, and before any one can be relieved 
from it, his soul must increase in charity. His 
Holiness can affect the souls in purgatory, not by 
power but by intercession, and therefore does well 
to publish forgiveness to souls by way of suffrage 
only.* The indiscriminate pardon of sins held out 
by the Indulgences can, if granted at all, be granted 
to those only who approach very near to perfection. 
To hold forth to the multitude the promise of a 
general pardon must be productive of the worst con- 
sequences. How indecent is it in those who are 
employed to sell Indulgences to affirm to the igno- 
rant populace, that the soul, for whom they purchase 
a pardon, escapes from purgatory as soon as their 
money tinkles in the chest ! Let not the public be 
induced to prefer the purchase of Indulgences to 
acts of charity ; for the relief of the poor is among 
the first of Christian duties. If the Holy Father," 
he added, " knew the exactions of those mercenary 
preachers, he would rather that the palace of St. 
Peter's should be burned to ashes, than built with 
the skin, flesh, and bones of his sheep." 

Such is the outline of these propositions, the pub- 
lication of which constituted in a manner the first 
act of the Reformation. They contained evident in- 



* See Appendix S. 



YEAR 1517* 65 

dications of a vigorous understanding, mixed, how- 
ever, with a strong bias to early impressions. While 
they show that Luther had closely studied Augus- 
tine's doctrine of repentance, they prove likewise 
that he had turned the subject attentively in his own 
mind. Unaided by any other direction, he had at- 
tained, what was very rare in that age, a correct 
conception of the necessity of sincere penitence to 
the enjoyment of mental comfort. But in doing 
justice to him in this respect, as well as to his know- 
ledge of the Scriptures and church history, we can- 
not help being struck with the extent of his faith in 
the doctrine of purgatory and in the power of the 
pope. His whole career, however, is an example of 
the slow steps by which the mind, when left to its 
own resources, is destined to arrive at a knowledge 
of truth. 

No disputants having accepted his invitation, 
Luther determined to print and publish his " Propo- 
sitions." The novelty and boldness of the opinions 
which they contained, along with the rational founda- 
tion of his reasoning, procured them a very rapid cir- 
culation throughout Germany. Known hitherto only 
in a limited circle as a professor, the circulation of 
his "Propositions" made him one of the most public 
men in the empire. The respect which he showed 
to the authority of the Fathers recommended his 
work to the reflecting and moderate, while the dis- 
crimination evinced in his definitions of the power of 
the pope was calculated to stagger, in some degree, 
the belief of those who had hitherto bowed to it as 
infallible. In regard to that point there was indeed 
considerable difference of opinion, but there was 
hardly room for any other feeling than admiration as 

T 



66 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



to another— -I mean the necessity of inward contri- 
tion and the indecency of selling a general pardon 
through the medium of an Indulgence. 

At the time of giving a challenge to a public dis- 
putation, Luther addressed a letter to Albert, arch- 
bishop of Mentz, who has been already mentioned 
as deriving considerable profits from the sale of In- 
dulgences. This letter is remarkable as a specimen 
of his zeal for his tenets, and of his freedom in ad- 
dressing his superiors. After repeating the substance 
of the " Propositions," he proceeds to tell the prelate : 

"I do not complain so much of the manner in 
which the ' Indulgences' are published, (which I 
have not witnessed,) as of the injurious effects which 
they are calculated to produce upon the multitude, 
who believe that, if they purchase these pardons, 
they are certain of their salvation, and exempted from 
punishment. Good God!" (he exclaims,) "the souls 
intrusted to your care are stimulated to what will 
lead them to ruin ; and how hard must be the ac- 
count which you will have to render to God with 
respect to all these. From this cause I could be 
silent no longer, for no one can be certain of his sal- 
vation by any gift conferred upon him by a bishop. 
It is by the grace of God alone that salvation can be 
obtained. Works of piety and charity are infinitely 
better than Indulgences ; and yet they are not 
preached to the people with so great pomp or zeal, 
nay they are supplanted by the Indulgences. The 
first and only duty of bishops is to instruct the people 
in the Gospel, and the love of Christ. Jesus never 
commanded Indulgences to be published. What 
horror therefore must that bishop experience, and 
how great his danger, if he allow the sale of In- 



YEAR 1517. 



67 



dulgences to be substituted among his flock in pre- 
ference to the doctrines of Revelation ? Shall not 
Christ say to such persons, ' Ye strain at a gnat, and 
swallow a camel ?' What can I do, most excellent 
prelate and illustrious prince, but intreat you by the 
Lord Jesus Christ, to direct your attention to this 
subject, to destroy the book which you have sanc- 
tioned by your arms* and impose upon the preachers 
of Indulgences a very different method of recom- 
mending them, lest some one should arise and con- 
fute both them and that book to the great reproach 
of your Highness ? The consequences of this I dread 
extremely, and yet I fear it must happen unless a 
speedy remedy be applied." 

It is apparent from this letter that Luther was not 
apprehensive of that insincerity in the character of 
the archbishop, which in the sequel he found cause 
to suspect. Still less was he aware that it would rest 
with himself to fight the battle with the rapacious 
exactions of the church. Meantime the boldness of 
his language began to draw the attention of all Ger- 
many. His friends of the Augustinian fraternity, 
particularly the prior and sub-prior of the monastery 
of Wittemberg, more alive to danger than himself, 
and less confident of a successful issue, beseeched 
him to consult the safety of the Order, and to cease 
exposing himself to personal hazard. But Luther 
was not to be stopped, and would give no other reply 
than "that if the cause were not of God it would 
fall, but if it were of God, its progress could not be 
resisted." 

Tetzel, whose passion far surpassed his prudence, 

* This was a book recommending the purchase of Indulgences^ 
on the title-page of which were the archbishop's arms. 



68 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



published soon after, at Frankfort in Brandenburg? 
two theses in opposition to those of Luther. His 
ignorance evidently disqualifying him for such com- 
positions ; they have been generally ascribed to Con- 
rad Wimpina, professor of divinity in Frankfort. 
Their style is such as sufficiently to discover the 
weakness of the Romish cause, and the dictatorial 
tone of the Dominican fraternity. The first thesis 
consisted of one hundred and six positions ; the 
second of fifty.* To mortify Luther and to make a 
show of respect for Tetzel, no fewer than three 
hundred monks were present at the disputation on 
the former of these theses.f Neither of these pro- 
ductions entered into a thorough discussion of 
Luther's arguments, but assuming a priori the 
pope's infallibility, asserted, as a necessary conse- 
quence, that every thing at variance with this fun- 
damental position must be false. This course of 
reasoning we shall find frequentlypursued by Luther's 
opponents. The Catholics thought it unanswerable, 
and were not for some time aware that the day was 
past for proving the pope's infallibility by the wea- 
pons of syllogism. 

Tetzel, proceeding in his intemperate course, took 
occasion to throw Luther's work publicly into the 
fire, an indignity which the students of the univer- 
sity at Wittemberg were not long in retorting on 
the publication which bore his name. The latter of 
these transactions excited much surprise : an account 
of it is given by Luther in the following letter, ad- 
dressed to his friends, John Langus and Iodocus : — 

* They are to be seen in Luther, i. 94 — 98. Extracts are in 
Seckend. p. 26, 27. See also Sleid. L. i. Sarp. L. i. 
t Scult. An. 1517- 



FROM 1517. 



69 



H That you may be informed of what actually hap- 
pened respecting the burning of TetzePs proposi- 
tions, the following is the true state of the case. The 
students are exceedingly disgusted with the ancient 
sophistical mode of study, but very much attached to 
the study of the Holy Bible, and perhaps also very 
friendly to me and my cause. When they were in- 
formed that a person had come from Halle, sent by 
Tetzel, the author of the positions, they immediately 
went to him, and threatened the man for daring to 
bring such things to Wittemberg. Some bought 
copies from him, others took them by force, and 
having given notice of a meeting, invited every one 
that chose to be present at the burning and funeral 
of TetzePs positions, to come to the market place at 
two o'clock. They there burned all the other copies, 
to the number of nearly eight hundred. They did 
this without the knowledge of the elector, senate, or 
rector of the university, or indeed of any of us. 
Such a grievous injury done to the man by our 
students certainly vexed me as well as every body 
else. Though I am nowise to blame, the abuse, I 
am afraid, will be imputed to me. It has made a 
great noise every where, greater perhaps than was 
necessary; yet it must be confessed they have some 
reason for being angry. What will happen I know 
not, unless that my situation, already critical, may 
become more so in consequence of it." 

In another letter Luther says, " I am astonished 
that you could believe me the author of the burning 
of TetzePs positions. Do you think me so totally 
destitute of common sense, that I, a member of the 
church, should, in a place not my own, attempt to 
do so great an injury to one who holds so high an 



70 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



office as Tetzel."* — Luther's enemies were, as he had 
foreseen, exceedingly disposed to throw the blame 
on him, but, however gratified he may have been by 
this testimony of the attachment of the students, 
there is no room to suspect him of being instru- 
mental in this indignity to the pope's agent. In a 
subsequent declaration from Tetzel, the orthodoxy 
of his creed was maintained against all opponents 
without mentioning by name an individual so ob- 
scure as Luther.f Tetzel made an appeal to the pre- 
judices of the age, by declaring his readiness to un- 
dergo the ordeal of fire and water in justification of 
his tenets : and Luther, equally convinced of the or- 
thodoxy of his new opinions, was not slow in volun- 
teering a submission to the same test. J 

Luther's compositions advanced this year with a 
promptitude which gave an ample assurance of his 
future activity. They consisted, in the first place, 
of his "Propositions" printed 31st October, and of 
a sermon in German, on the subject of Indulgences. 
To these was added a more elaborate work, a " De- 
fence of his Propositions," which he prepared before 
the expiration of the year, but was prevented from 
publishing for the present by the solicitations of his 
friends, particularly his diocesan, the bishop of 
Brandenburg. Enough, however, was sent forth to 
awaken the minds of men, and to excite that dispo- 
sition to doubt and scrutinize, which generally pre- 
cedes a revolution of opinion. 

* Melch. Ad. Seckend. p. 25. f Seckend. p. 26. 
f Luth. i. 133. 



YEAR 1518. 



71 



CHAPTER IV. 



YEAR 1518. 



RESOLUTE as was Luther's character, a con- 
siderable time elapsed before he came to an open 
rupture with the court of Rome. The year 1518 is 
remarkable by furnishing proofs of the gradual na- 
ture of his change in opinion, and of an anxiety 
that his warmth of language should not be construed 
into direct and unqualified assertion. The circula- 
tion of his " Propositions" had far exceeded his 
calculation, and many persons were disposed to 
assume their contents rather as declared opinions 
than as materials submitted for examination. These 
mistakes and the extraordinary ferment produced 
throughout Germany, led him, as we shall see by 
and by, to make to the abettors of Indulgences an 
offer of a mutual cessation of controversy. A 
few concessions would at this time have satisfied 
him ; but, to use his own words, " the poor monk 
was despised." The offer being mistaken by his 
antagonists for an avowal of weakness, he was 
obliged in self-defence to continue his polemical 
labours. Hence those farther investigations and 
discoveries which led him to attack corruption at its 
fountain head. But long before this decisive result, 
he composed various papers, which show a solicitude 
to prevent the public from carrying his notions too 
far, as well as to make the church instrumental in 



72 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



accomplishing her own reform. The first of these 7 
which we shall notice, was addressed to the bishop 
of Brandenburg already mentioned, whose name 
was Jerome Scultetus. Luther, treating him with 
the respect due to an official superior, had trans- 
mitted him last year a notice of the substance of his 
intended publication in defence of his propositions. 
It is in this sense that we are led to understand an 
expression in Luther's first letter to the pope, 
" Monui privatim aliquot magnates ecclesiarum." 
The prelate, startled at the boldness of the argu- 
ments, exerted himself to effect a delay in their 
publication, and, with this view, paid Luther the 
compliment of sending to him an abbot of distinc- 
tion. The condescension was pleasing to Luther, 
and induced him to postpone his publication. But 
his mind was too strongly engrossed by the interest 
of h4s subject to allow him to relinquish it, and we 
find him accordingly addressing, June 2, 1518, a 
letter to the bishop, which, under the appearance of 
an explanation of the controversy, may be regarded 
as a kind of apology for deviating from his cautious 
counsels. 

" There lately appeared," he says, " in our 
neighbourhood, new and unheard of opinions re- 
specting the nature of Indulgences. The learned 
as well as the unlearned were astonished at them. 
Not only my intimate friends, but many who were 
unknown to me, requested by letters, and, on oc- 
casion of personal intercourse, applied verbally for 
my opinion in regard to the new doctrines which 
hftd been published. For some time ] avoided any 
optn declaration, but at last the dispute became s© 



YEAR 1518. 



violent, that I was induced to go so far as even to 
incur the danger of offending the pope. 

"But what could I do? it was not in my power 
to determine any thing upon the subject, and I was 
afraid to contradict those whom I wished to respect. 
They however argued so plausibly in attempting to 
prove what is false and vain, that, to confess the 
truth, they arrested my attention, and fairly in- 
volved me in the controversy. That I might please 
both parties, I judged it most expedient, neither to 
assent to nor dissent from either, but in the mean 
time to reason upon the subject, until the church 
should determine what our opinions ought to be. I 
therefore published a disputation, and invited all 
persons publicly to declare their sentiments. As 
I knew several very learned men, I requested them in 
private to open their minds to me. I perceived that 
neither the doctors of the church, nor the canonists, 
generally, supported my opinions. There were only 
a few canonists and scholastic doctors who seemed 
to approve, and even they were not very hearty in 
their concurrence." 

After exposing the ridiculous conduct of those 
who belong to the church, and are yet unable to 
contend with heretics, he thus proceeds : 

" When I gave a general challenge to dispute 
with me upon the subject of Indulgences, no one 
appeared. I then perceived that my published dis- 
putations were more widely dispersed than I had 
wished, and were every where received, not as 
matter of discussion but as positive affirmation. I 
was therefore compelled, contrary to my hope and 
wish, to publish the arguments for the propositions, 
and thus expose my ignorance. I thought it better to 

K 



74 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



incur the shame of being deficient in knowledge 
than to allow those to remain in error who took for 
granted that my propositions were asserted as un- 
doubted truths. Of the accuracy of some of them 
I myself was doubtful, and of several I am ignorant. 
Some persons deny them, but I assert none pertina- 
ciously. I submit them all to the holy church and 
the pope." 

After complimenting the bishop on that humanity 
and humility in the discharge of his high office, 
which made him almost as much venerated as the 
pope, he adds : 

"It is most just that I should lay first at your 
feet what I have been employed in. I therefore en- 
treat you to receive my trifles, that all may know 
that I assert nothing confidently. I not only give 
you leave but beseech you to blot out whatever you 
think fit ; nay, I shall not be concerned if you 
should bum the whole. I declare once more, that 
I* affirm nothing confidently ; on the contrary I 
even argue with fear. Not that I stand in dread of 
the bulls and threats of those, who, not knowing 
what it is to doubt, wish to circulate whatever they 
dream, as gospel ; I confess that their audacity, 
joined to their ignorance, induced me not to give 
way to my own fears. Had not the cause been of 
so great importance, no one should have known me 
beyond my own corner. If the work be not of 
God, I do not pretend that it should be mine ; 
let it come to nothing, and be claimed by no one. I 
ought to seek nothing else, than that I should not 
be the occasion of error to any one." 

The respect which Luther had shown to his dio- 
cesan, he determined not to withhold from the 



YEAR 1518, 



75 



superior of his Order. To Staupitz, his provincial 
and benefactor,* he enclosed a printed copy of the 
defence of his propositions, requesting him to trans- 
mit them to the pope, that the malicious insinua- 
tions of his enemies might be counteracted. 

" I request," he says, " that you will send these 
trifles of mine to that most excellent pontiff, Leo X. 
that they may serve to plead my cause at Rome. 
Not that I wish you to be joined with me in the 
danger; for it is my desire that these things be 
done at my own hazard. I expect that Christ, as 
judge, will pronounce what is right by the mouth 
of the pope. To those of my friends who would 
alarm me for the consequences, I have nothing else 
to say than what Reuchlin said ; 4 He who is poor, 
has nothing to fear; he can lose nothing.' I possess 
no property, neither do I desire any. — There re- 
mains to me only a frail body, harassed by con- 
tinual illness, and if they take away my life by open 
violence, or stratagem, they make me but little 
poorer. I am satisfied with the possession of my 
Redeemer and Propitiator, the Lord Jesus Christ, 
whom I shall praise as long as I exist. If any one 
be unwilling to join with me in these praises, what 
is that to me ? Let him raise his voice after his 
own fashion. The Lord Jesus will save me for 
ever."t 

This letter may be regarded as a faithful picture 
of the predominating feelings in Luther's breast. 
His anxiety to save his friends from the danger 
connected with his cause, his indifference to money, 

* See Appendix T. 

f Luth. i. 100. Extracts are made from this letter by Melch* 
Ad. and Seckend. p. 33. 



76 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



the calmness with which he comtemplated death, 
are the infallible indications of a pure and con- 
scientious character. Can we require a more con- 
clusive proof, that neither selfish attachment to his 
Order, nor enmity to the Dominicans, had any 
share in stimulating his opposition to Indulgences ? 
On the day of writing to Staupitz he addressed 
also a letter to the pope, the tone of which is 
nearly the same as that of the epistles which we 
have quoted. The principal addition consists in his 
urging a claim to the privilege of engaging in public 
disputations, on the ground of being a Doctor in 
Divinity. His enemies had loaded him with re- 
proaches, and charged him with depravity of morals ; 
but " were such the case, is it probable," he asks, 
"that so illustrious a prince as Frederick of Saxony 
would have taken me under his protection, or 
allowed me to remain a Professor in his uni- 
versity ?" His letter concludes thus :—" I prostrate 
myself at the feet of your Holiness, with all that I 
am and have. Give the command of life or death, 
call or recall, approve or disapprove, as you may 
judge fit : I acknowledge your voice to be the voice 
of Christ, presiding and speaking in you. If I 
have deserved death, I will not refuse to die. The 
earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof."* 

From this, as well as from subsequent letters, it 
is apparent that Luther was little acquainted with 
Leo's real character. On another occasion, much 
about this time, we find him extolling Leo as the 
best of pontiffs, and affording, by his reputation for 
integrity and learning, matter of exultation to all 



* Luth. i. 101. Seckend. p. 33. 



YEAR 1518. 



77 



good men. " But what," he adds, " can this 
most delightful person do alone in so great con- 
fusion ? One who is worthy to have been pontiff in 
better times, or in whose pontificate the times 
ought to have become better. In our age, we de- 
serve only such popes as Julius II. and Alexander VI. 
or some atrocious monsters similar to what the poets 
have created ; for even in Rome herself, nay in 
Rome more than any where else, good popes are 
held in ridicule."* 

This language, however different from that Which 
Luther subsequently held with respect to Leo, was, 
we have no reason to doubt, perfectly sincere. Leo 
was at that time the object of admiration through- 
out Europe, and Luther could hardly fail to par- 
ticipate in the general predilection. 

Whilst Luther was thus intent on explaining his 
opinions and motives to his superiors, he learned 
that his Augustinian brethren dissented from some 
points in his new doctrine. He determined ac- 
cordingly to embrace the first favourable opportu- 
nity of openly discussing the controverted topics. 
This was afforded at the annual assembly of the 
Order, held soon after midsummer at Heidelberg. 
Luther previously published twenty-eight theses on 
divinity which he proposed to defend ; and sub- 
joined twelve corollaries from them, calculated to 
show the power of his arguments in opposition to 
the Greek philosophy, particularly in regard to the 
doctrines of Aristotle, Plato, Parmenides, Pytha- 
goras, and Anaxagoras. The journey from Wit- 
temberg to Heidelberg he performed, long as it 



Seckend. p. 35. 



78 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



was, on foot, a mode of travelling which corres- 
ponded with his ideas of Christian humility. He 
was received most kindly on his journey by Lau- 
rentius a Bibra, bishop of Wurtzburg, who was 
decidedly hostile to the new plan of retailing In- 
dulgences, but unfortunately lived too short a time 
to evince his friendship for Luther.* 

Luther carried with him a letter of recommenda- 
tion from the elector Frederick to the prince Palatine, 
a precautionary safeguard which the boldness and 
obnoxious tendency of his writings rendered ad- 
visable. It deserves to be noticed, that the elector's 
recommendation was confined to a private letter, that 
Prince being too cautious to declare himself, in the 
face of the church, the patron of Luther. From the 
same motive, Luther had not yet been admitted to 
any personal communication with the elector, the 
arrangements in his behalf having been conducted 
by his friend Spalatin. 

The theses debated at Heidelberg were of a 
much more comprehensive character than those 
previously published on the subject of Indulgences. 
The first twelve of the twenty-eight relate to the 
nature of good works ; the succeeding four to free- 
will. In those that follow, Luther deduces certain 
consequences from his previous reasoning, and 
enters on a discussion of the nature of good and 
evil, the operation of the law, and the tendency of 
what he terms false wisdom. Crude and undefined 
as his ideas are, they possess a claim on our at- 
tention on account of their subsequent operation, 

* Seckend. p. 29, says of him, " Ex familia equestri Franconise 
splendidissima et vetustissmia," and adds significantly, " non uno 
adfinitatis rtexu mild juncta." 



YEAR 1518. 



79 



the early impressions of Luther being* in many 
cases discernible in the future history of the Re- 
formed Church. 

The respondent in this public debate was M. 
Laurentius Beyerus, a monk of his own Order. 
Though two combatants only were named, many 
others entered the lists, and the disputation was 
attended, as well by the professors and students 
of Heidelberg, as by many of the inhabitants 
of the city. Among the doctors present, the 
most eminent was Martin Bucer, who, though 
he had only passed the rank of 44 scholar," was 
already possessed of sufficient sagacity to dis- 
cover the errors of popery. Bucer eagerly listened 
to the controversy, took notes of what was spoken, 
and applied for explanations to Luther, who was 
much gratified with his keenness for inquiry. 
Bucer, having arranged his notes, and corrected 
them by the explanations which he received from 
Luther, published an account of the debate, and 
while he commends highly the moderation of both 
parties, passes a particular encomium on Luther's 
earnestness and diligence.* Luther's own account 
of it is as follows : 

" The doctors willingly admitted my disputation, 
and debated with such modesty as to entitle them 
greatly to my esteem. Theology indeed seemed 
foreign to them ; nevertheless they skirmished both 
acutely and pleasantly, excepting the fifth and 

* Bucer afterwards became distinguished among the Reformers. 
For an account of him see Melch. Ad. Vit. Buceri, et Scripta An- 
glicana fere omnia Buceri, published at Basil in 1577. Dr. Bates 
has inserted the account of his death in his Vit. Select. Vir. p. 
250, &c. London, 1681. 



80 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



junior doctor, who made the whole meeting laugh 
by exclaiming, " Were the common people to hear 
these things, they would stone you to death." 

On an assembly thus open to conviction, Luther 
could not fail to make a powerful impression, and he 
seems to have gained a fresh accession of courage 
from the result of this debate ; for on his return 
home we find him writing to his former master, 
Iodocus Issenacensis, and apprizing him that "all 
the Wittemberg doctors, nay the whole university, 
with the exception of one licentiate, (Sebastian,) 
were now of his way of thinking ;" adding, " that 
many ecclesiastics and respectable citizens now 
unanimously say, that they had neither known nor 
heard Christ and the Gospel before." 

The defence of Luther's disputation propositions 
was published under the title of " Resolutiones" or 
" Solutions," and was addressed to the pope. His 
reasons for giving them to the world were, " that 
he might conciliate his adversaries, yield com- 
pliance with a variety of solicitations, and undeceive 
those who thought him absolute and dogmatical 
in his mode of assertion." In conformity with the 
custom of the age, he inserted a solemn protesta- 
tion of his sincerity as a disputant. Disputo ergo 
hie, et qucero veritatem, testis lector, testis audi- 
tor, testis vel ipse hcereticce pravitatis inquisitor * 
Nor was he behind-hand with his opponents in 
asserting in a determined tone, the truth of his 
tenets, and the heresy of whoever should differ 
from him. Ea quae jam dixi, protestor me non 
dubitare, sed paratus sum ignem et mortem sus- 

* Luther, i. p. 132. This was Tetzel's title as connected with 
the Inquisition. 



YEAR 1518. 



81 



eipere fro Mis, et hcereticum asseram omnem qui 
contra sapuerit* 

The composition of these " resolutions" discovers 
no ordinary degree of acuteness, and fully warrants 
Luther's high reputation as a disputant. It is re- 
markable that though his early predilection for Aris- 
totle had been by this time exchanged for a very dif- 
ferent feeling, the " resolutions" are completely in 
the style and manner of a dialectician. His argu- 
ments may be traced to four distinct sources : the 
Scriptures, in the knowledge of which he far sur- 
passed his opponents ; the Fathers, with whose 
writings his acquaintance was at least equal to theirs ; 
the canon law ; and lastly the authority of Gerson 
and other celebrated doctors of the church. Though 
his chief stress was laid on Scripture and the 
Fathers, he had not yet come to the length of dis- 
regarding the authority of clerical law, or the argu- 
ments of the leaders of the schools. 

It was about the middle of this year that the 
respected name of Melancthon was added to the 
Wittemberg university, in the capacity of Greek 
professor. This nomination is ascribed by Luther 
to a wish, on the part of the elector, to give him 
an associate in theological labours. It appears, 
however, to have been more directly the con- 
sequence of an application from the elector to the 
celebrated Reuchlin, the restorer of Oriental lite- 
rature in Germany. Reuchlin likewise recom- 
mended Ocalampadius, as Hebrew professor ; but 
that eminent scholar was already engaged to accept 



* Luth. i. 133. 

L 



82 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



an appointment of that nature at the university of 
Bazil. 

Meantime the disputations and writings of Lu- 
ther had abridged considerably the revenue arising 
from the sale of Indulgences in the North of Ger- 
many. The better part of the Catholic priesthood 
became ashamed of the traffic, while those who 
were less scrupulous, durst not venture to urge the 
multitude to purchase. But in so very numerous a 
body, it was not to be expected that antagonists to 
Luther would long be wanting. The first who 
took the field against him was John Eckius, a 
Dominican, and professor of divinity at Ingoldstad. 
To a book which he published against Luther, he 
gave the whimsical title of " Obelisci," in reference 
to the marks (ft) used in printing to indicate 
notes ; and from a wish that the public should con- 
sider his performance as merely a series of annota- 
tions. Luther and he had formerly been on terms 
of friendship, a circumstance which made the Re- 
former complain of the illiberality of sending him 
no previous notice of the intended work. Eckius, 
uneasy at the charge, affirmed that the book had 
been sent to press without his knowledge. His 
remarks, he said, were originally communicated to 
his bishop in a private pacquet, and had they been 
meant for publication, would have been composed 
with more pains. Well might he exert himself to 
apologise for the deficiency of his book, for a 
poorer performance can hardly be imagined. It 
was wholly unworthy of the future fame of the 
author, and afforded a striking example of the 
weakness of the scholastic philosophy in the re- 



YEAR 1518. 



83 



search of truth, or refutation of error. The in- 
fallibility of the pope, the testimony of learned 
doctors, and a string of logical common places, con- 
stituted the basis of Eckius' superstructure. 

An attack of this nature could only serve to add 
fuel to Luther's ardour. He speedily published an 
answer under the correspondent title of Asterisci 
(**). But in this as in many other controversies, 
the disputants had failed in fixing their first prin- 
ciples. " Fateor hcec omnia esse vera" says 
Luther, " si scholastica sunt vera. Quod Eckius 
asseritj ego nego ; et sic est petitio principii."* 
The tone of Luther's answer is, we must confess, 
exceedingly high, and partakes sometimes of a 
scurrility which can be extenuated only by a con- 
sideration of his constitutional warmth, and of the 
manners of the age. "Were I assured," he says, 
" that Eckius was an angel seated in the midst of 
the seraphim, I should still declare him an impious 
enemy of charity, and a deceiver of the credu- 
lous, so long as he shall teach that barren Indul- 
gences are good for the people, and that the pre- 
ference of charitable actions to the purchase of 
Indulgences savours of the Bohemian schism." 
After expressing himself very properly respecting 
those who flattered the pope, he proceeds to place 
the controversy on a just foundation. " I request," 
he says, " those opponents, who are willing to do 
me a service, not to attempt to terrify me by flat- 
tering the pope, nor by quoting writers on scho- 
lastic theology, but to instruct me by substantial 
arguments from Scripture and the Fathers."— Lu- 



» Luth. i. 154. 



84 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



ther's answer appeared to the public in the light of 
a victory, and is said to have brought him a con- 
siderable number of converts. 

His next antagonist was a person of greater rank. 
Sylvester de Prierio, a Dominican like Eckius, 
and master of the pope's palace at Rome, entered 
the lists, in the persuasion that the refutation of 
Luther's heresy was one of the easiest things ima- 
ginable. In his dedication to Leo, Prierio takes 
occasion to say that he did not know who this 
Martin Luther was ; that the answer he had com- 
posed was the labour of three days only ; that he 
was certain of victory ; and would not fail, as soon 
as he saw Luther's other works, to write something 
more worthy of attention than this dialogue. No- 
thing in fact can be more insignificant than this pro- 
duction of Prierio. Though called a dialogue, it 
contains nothing but Luther's theses and short scholia 
by Prierio, consisting of a string of successive alle- 
gations on the authority of St. Thomas, the univer- 
sality of the church, and that never-ending theme, the 
pope's infallibility. He had no more scruple than 
Tetzel in recommending Indulgences, by asserting 
that the soul flew to heaven as soon as the "money 
tinkled in the chest." He alludes to the power of 
the Inquisition, and advises Luther to beware lest 
vengeance, in some shape or another, overtake him. 
Were the pope, he adds, to present Luther with a 
good bishopric and a plenary indulgence to repair 
his church, he would soon abound in more courteous 
language. 

Luther, determined not to be behindhand with 
Prierio, wrote a rejoinder in two days, retorting his 
personalities with no sparing hand, and declaring 



YEAR 1518. 85 

his arguments so futile, that he could disprove 
them by writing whatever came uppermost. " You 
are sunk," he said, 44 in the darkness of Thomas 
Aquinas, and must come better armed to the 
next combat if jou hope to escape without dis- 
grace." Nothing, however, could abash the con- 
fidence of Prierio ; he replied in the form of a 
letter addressed to Luther, repeating what he had 
previously advanced, defending Thomas Aquinas 
with great zeal, boasting of his high office at Rome, 
and taking no slight degree of credit for the honour 
paid, as he believed, to his works at Leipsic. He 
called this second essay 44 Epithoma," in honour of 
the angelical doctor, and he concluded by appealing, 
with great self-complacency, to the decision of the 
public. Prierio's pertinacity made Luther lose all 
patience. He wrote an answer in which, not con- 
tented with speaking of Prierio in a manner suffi- 
ciently contemptuous, he treated his book in terms 
which, to be tolerated, require rather more than the 
extenuating medium of a dead language. 44 Tot 
tantisque blasphemiis a capite ad pedes usque re- 
fertum, ut in medio Tartaro ab ipsomet Satana 
editum libellum existimem* The Dominicans, it 
appears, felt ashamed of Prierio's defence, for in a 
letter written to Langus about the middle of Sep- 
tember, Luther says, 44 the Dominicans are buying 
up the copies of Sylvester's dialogue, and are sup- 
pressing it, but we are re-printing it at Wittem- 
berg." 

The extravagant tone in which Prierio extolled 
the pope's power and his superiority to a general 



Luth. h 189. 



S6 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Council, however agreeable to Leo or his millions^ 
was kept up with too little disguise. It had been 
the policy of the court of Rome to account such 
superiority its prerogative, but to forbear bringing 
forward the invidious assertion. The imprudent 
length of Prierio's assumption led Luther to reflect 
on the extraordinary consequences of which acqui- 
escence would be productive. And here we meet 
with the first symptom of that alienation from the 
church which afterwards became so conspicuous in 
Luther. "Were such," he says, "the sentiments 
entertained at Rome, happy are they who have 
separated from the church and gone out from the 
midst of that Babylon ! Cursed are they who hold 
communion with her! If the pope and cardinals 
do not check this mouth of Satan and compel him 
to recant, I solemnly declare before them, that 1 
dissent from the Roman church and renounce her 
with the pope and cardinals as the abomination of 
the holy place." 

On reading these bold expressions, we can hardly 
resist the inference that Luther was actuated by a 
confidence of support and protection. The concur- 
rence of his brethren at Wittemberg, the popu- 
larity of his preaching, the success of his public 
disputations, and the steady though cautious as- 
sistance of the elector, were all calculated to inspire 
him in some measure with courage. But the 
length to which he went must have been much 
more the result of his constitutional temper than of 
a calculation of strength. Accordingly, it was not 
without much doubt and disquietude that he ven- 
tured to maintain his early struggle with the church. 
Looking back at a future period to these days of 



YEAR 1518. 



87 



anxiety, he exclaims, " How many things my 
heart suffered during the course of that first and 
second year, and how great at that time was my 
unfeigned humility— I might almost say, despair. 
Ah! how little is this known to those who fol- 
lowed me, and who were enabled to attack with 
impunity the wounded majesty of the pontiff."* 

Among his other early antagonists was James 
Hoogstraat, an inquisitor of Louvain, who, without 
bestowing time on the reasoning in Luther's doctrine, 
advised Leo to cut him off at once by fire and 
sword. f Hoogstraat had been the persecutor of 
the famous Reuchlin, to whom Luther compares 
himself in many passages of his works. The Re- 
former's reply to Hoogstraat was marked by no 
tame characteristics. He exposed his ignorance of 
that scholastic phisosophy of which he pretended so 
much knowledge ; upbraided him with brutality, and 
finally recommended to the pope to consult the inte- 
rests of the church by inflicting punishment on this 
inquisitor of heretics who was so illiterate as not to 
know in what heresy consisted. 

The writings of Luther and the answers to them 
having now been some time before the public ; the 
feebleness of the latter excited surprise in many 
who had never doubted the ability of the church 
to defend by argument whatever she assumed the 
right to do. From the increased diffusion of know- 
ledge, and the peculiar political situation of Ger- 
many at that time, the Catholics felt themselves 
unable to stop the progress of heresy in the sum- 

* Luth. i. 50. Seckend. p. 38. 

f Sleid. L. i. Melch. ad. Sarp. L. i. Seckend. p, 38, 



88 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



mary method of earlier days. It is to this cause 
chiefly that we are to ascribe what has been called 
the inactivity, in the first instance, of the court of 
Rome towards Luther. It will be in vain to seek 
to account for it by a tolerating disposition on the 
part of Leo. Liberal as he was, in the patronage 
of literature and the arts, the men who in his court 
cultivated the works of Greece and Rome durst not 
indulge in those effusions of independence which 
mark the celebrated writers of antiquity. On the 
contrary, the habit of flattering and of showing an 
unqualified approbation of his measures will be 
found the characteristics of those who surrounded 
him. It is true that for some time Leo paid very 
little attention to Luther's opposition. Considering 
it below his dignity to discuss the merits of a dis- 
pute carried on in an obscure part of Germany he 
was disposed to let it be finished by those with 
whom it had begun. In process of time this con- 
troversy, he thought, would, like many others, fall 
into oblivion. Voluptuous and averse from busi- 
ness, he was accustomed to devolve the laborious 
part of his office on Julius, afterwards Clement VII. 
and had consequently not the means of forming a 
due estimate of the danger to be apprehended from 
Luther.* 

Maximilian, the emperor of Germany, though 
ostensibly attached to the pope, had no disposition 
to persecute Luther. He was remarkable for mild- 
ness of temper, and having had the curiosity to 
read Luther's theses, he is reported to have said to 
Pleffinger, one of Frederick's ministers, "Your 



* See Appendix U. 



YEAR 1018. 



89 



monk's theses are not to be despised. He will give 
the priests some trouble. Tell Frederick that he 
should protect Luther, as it may happen that he will 
have need of him."* 

The want of cordiality in Maximilian towards 
Leo arose from his having discovered that the pon- 
tiff, while pretending friendship for him, was en- 
gaged in secret intrigues with the king of France. 
" Had not Leo also deceived me," said Maximilian 
on this occasion,! " he would have been the only 
pope whom 1 could have called an honest man."t 
But had the court of Rome even been assured of the 
zealous co-operation of Maximilian against Luther, 
their point would not have been gained ; for the in- 
fluence and reputation of Frederick was such as to 
form a counterpoise in the Diet to imperial authority 
itself. Of this, ample evidence had been given by 
two questions which Frederick had lately been in- 
strumental in carrying. 1st. That the pope should 
not, under pretext of a Turkish war, exhaust Ger- 
many by means of Indulgences ; 2dly. That no 
king of the Romans should be elected during the life 
of Maximilian. Unwelcome as the latter measure 
was to the emperor's feelings, Frederick still re- 
mained on good terms with him, partly by uncom- 
mon discretion of behaviour, and more perhaps from 
the emperor's conviction that the preservation of 
Frederick's good will was the most likely method 
to secure the transmission of the imperial title to his 
grandson Charles. 

While the influence of Leo with the emperor 

* SeckencL p. 42. t Ibid. p. 43. 

| Nisi me hie qtioque papa fefellisset, ille mucus esset eujus 
bonam fidem laudare posem. Ibid. p. 43. 

M 



90 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



was thus limited, it:was, for obvious reasons, still 
less powerful with Frederick. It had long been an 
object with the secular princes of Germany to lessen 
the pecuniary exactions of the church of Rome 
among their subjects. But the blind reverence of 
the people to the church rendered such opposition 
a matter of great delicacy and difficulty ; and the 
above mentioned resolution of the Diet was one of 
the few examples in which it had been attempted 
with success. A controversy which, like Luther's, 
tended to lessen the bigoted adherence of the people 
to the pope, had, in secret, the good wishes of 
Frederick and of most of the neighbouring princes. 
This reason, however, from not being avowed, has 
been less generally regarded as a motive for Frede- 
rick's protection than the importance of Luther to 
the university of Wittemberg— -not that the last was 
of inconsiderable operation, for Luther's energy, as 
a preacher and professor, had excited a strong in- 
terest in his behalf, on the part both of the students 
and of the people. There were other circum- 
stances, too, which tended to fortify Frederick 
against the intrigues of the church. The attach- 
ment of a scholar, so well known throughout Ger- 
many as Melancthon, seemed to bring over the cause 
of literature to Luther's side. Several persons in 
Frederick's confidence had become patrons of the 
new doctrine : and it was not the character of the 
court of Saxony to forsake a resolution which it had 
once adopted.* 

In this age of civil and military contention, the 
independence of Europe appeared to be threatened 



See Appendix V. 



YEAR 1518. 91 

from the East. Selim I. son of Bajazet Hi after 
subduing the nations in Asia, adjacent to the Turkish 
empire, seemed determined to turn the tide of 
warfare towards Christendom, and to rival the ex- 
ploits of Alexander and Caesar.* The powerful 
influence of religion was called forth to stimulate 
the Mussulmen to embark with alacrity in the 
prosecution of the war. The island of Rhodes and 
the kingdom of Hungary appeared the two vulne- 
rable points. Leo feared, or affected to fear, for 
the former, and Maximilian was seriously alarmed 
for the latter. Leo ordered public prayers to be 
offered up, and exhorted ail Christian princes to 
suspend their animosities and fly to the succour of 
religion. He thought proper also to send to Ger- 
many, on a special mission, one of his confidential 
servants, cardinal Thomas de Vio de Gaete, sur- 
named Cajetan.f The Catholic writers represent 
the formation of a league against the Turks as the 
sole object of Cajetan's mission to the emperor, as 
well as of his appearance at the Diet of Augsburg in 
the capacity of pope's legate. There can, how- 
ever, be no doubt, that he had orders to accomplish 
a settlement of Luther's affair, and, if we may 
depend on the accuracy of the Reformer's conjec- 
ture, Cajetan was commissioned also to obtain the 
tenths decreed by the Lateran council-t The un- 
expected death of Selim having put an end to the 
ostensible plea for the mission, and a grant of the 

* Guicciard. L. xiii. 

f He was one of the thirty-one cardinals created by Leo in one 
morning in July 1517- Vit. Pontiff, p. 14. 21. 
% Seckend. p. 42. 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



tenths being found impracticable, Caje tan's principal 
employment proved to relate to Luther. 

Cajetan was a man of address, and zealous for the 
support of the pope's authority ; but his temper was 
impatient, and he was particularly stimulated against 
Luther by the indignities offered to the Dominican 
Order of which he was a member. During the dis- 
cussion of the Turkish war in the Diet, Cajetan had, 
for the sake of example, gone the length of offering 
the revenue of the church for the purpose of repel- 
ling the infidels. A favourable impression was thus 
made on the emperor. Other acts were employed 
to gain over particular members of the Diet. The 
archbishop of Mentz, who already enjoyed the un- 
precedented favour of possessing tjvo archbishopricks 
and to whom the sale of Indulgences had been 
originally committed, was now promoted to the 
rank of cardinal. These manoeuvres so far succeeded 
that the emperor, influenced, no doubt, by views of 
poticy, was made to come forward as a declared 
enemy to the new doctrine. He wrote or rather 
signed a letter to the pope, in which be censured 
not only Luther's theses but his public discourses, 
and particularly specified that in regard to the two 
articles of Indulgences and excommunication, his 
opinions were " heretical and damnable." Referring 
to a very ancient decree of the pope's consistory, 
by which doctors are prohibited from disputing on 
any doctrine unless it be pronounced doubtful in the 
decretals, he declared, in direct terms, the pope's 
right to interpose his judgment. He next expressed 
his confidence that whatever decision might be given 
at Rome would be in conformity to truth. He 



YEAR 1518. 



93 



beseeched his Holiness, therefore, to put an end to 
the diffusion of such opinions, because even men in 
power had become patrons and defenders of Luther's 
errors. He concluded by promising to approve 
whatever the pope should determine, and to cause it 
to be observed throughout the empire. 

It requires but a slight examination of this letter 
to trace in its tone and substance the dictation of 
an ecclesiastic. Maximilian, a total stranger to 
theological discussions, is here made to handle them 
with the familiarity and decision of a practised con- 
troversialist, and to allude to the elector of Saxony 
with a want of deference completely at variance with 
his usual temper and conduct. This remarkable 
epistle was dated from Augsburg, 5th August. 

Leo, stimulated by the Dominicans and others, 
seemed now to exchange his inactivity towards 
Luther for promptitude and decision. Before re- 
ceiving Maximilian's letter, he had summoned 
Luther to appear within sixty days at Rome. This 
summons appears to have been presented to Luther 
on the 7th of August, and could not fail to excite 
in him considerable alarm. Some intelligence of 
the machinations going forward at Augsburg had 
probably been communicated to him, but of their 
real extent, it is evident he was not aware. There 
was, however, little room to hesitate about the fate 
that would await at Rome whoever had been so 
daring as to oppose the views of the priesthood. 
Still less could he entertain a doubt of the decision 
that would take place in his own case, because the 
two persons whom Leo had constituted his judges, 
had already declared his theses heretical. These 
were his antagonists, Sylvester de Prierio and Jerome 



94 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Ghinucci, bishop of Ascoli and auditor of the 
apostolic chamber.* In this situation, Luther de- 
termined to have recourse to the elector, through 
the medium of his cordial friend, Spalatin. Both 
being then at Augsburg, Luther lost no time in 
transmitting them the summons, and in proposing 
that Frederick should use his influence to procure 
the appointment of a commission to examine into 
his cause in some part of Germany. In the mean 
time his friends were a good deal at a loss for an 
excuse for his not repairing to Rome. This difficulty 
was solved, it appears, by a suggestion of his own, 
that it would be a sufficient apology " if the elector 
were to refuse a safe conduct, or to deny him per- 
mission to leave Wittemberg." 

The summons to Luther was followed, on the 
part of the court of Rome, by a dispatch to Cajetan, 
composed in a style sufficiently calculated to show 
the length to which the church would have been 
disposed to carry the punishment of Luther. He 
and his doctrines are described by very abusive 
epithets, and the act of publishing his opinions 
without consulting the church, the mistress of the 
faith, is termed rash, presumptuous, and licentious. 
The cardinal is then informed that orders had been 
given that Luther should first appear before him at 
Augsburg, where he was to be kept in safe custody 
until matters should be arranged for presenting him 
before the apostolic chair at Rome. If Luther 
should recant his opinions, Cajetan was empowered 
to receive him into the bosom of the church, but if 

* Ghinucci was afterwards nuncio at the court of Henry VIII. 
who made him bishop of Worcester. Paul III. created him a car- 
dinal. Ciacon. Vit. Pontif. p. 1505. 



YEAR 1518. 



95 



he continued obstinate, he and all his adherents 
were to be declared excommunicated and accursed. 
All civil and ecclesiastical authorities were enjoined, 
at the hazard of incurring the same penalty, to 
seize Luther and send him to Cajetan. 

This high tone, however, was assumed only in 
the letter to the pope's agent. A dispatch from the 
court of Rome to the elector of Saxony, written on 
the same day, is couched in terms so very different 
that one could hardly think they issued from the 
same quarter. Nothing is there said of imposing 
penalties on Frederick in the event of his refusing to 
assist in apprehending Luther— the high rank of the 
house of Saxony, the personal virtues of Frederick, 
the merits of his ancestors, above all, their zeal for 
the holy see, formed the leading topics of this polite 
communication. " Such a prince," added Leo, 
" was not likely to constitute himself the protector 
of a heretic, who, in the vain hope of countenance 
from his sovereign, had let loose the reins of his 
pride." With that diplomatic art which so early 
characterised the court of Rome, no notice was 
taken of the elector's avowed interference in behalf 
of Luther, but an appearance of disbelieving all 
such reports was assumed, and a caution given to 
the elector to avoid any thing calculated to excite 
suspicions of that nature. Leo concluded by men- 
tioning that he had committed the affair to Cajetan, 
and by requesting Frederick to lend his aid to de- 
liver up Luther to him. 

From the ordinary motives of statesmen as well 
as from the personal character of Frederick, there is 
little doubt that his interest in Luther proceeded less 
from zeal than from policy. His conduct on the 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



present occasion has a tendency to confirm this 
opinion. Apprised of the serious intention of the 
court of Rome and too cautious to declare himself in 
opposition to her, Frederick steered a middle course. 
He urged to the pope the propriety of adopting less 
severe language, and of consenting to refer Luther's 
examination to a German tribunal. All this, 
however, was expressed in very moderate terms, 
and, after conversing with Cajetan, at Augsburg, 
Frederick, as we shall see presently, became dis- 
posed to go a step farther, and consented that Luther 
should appear before the legate. 

In concurrence with the other measures of the 
court of Rome against Luther, means were now 
adopted to render him obnoxious to his own Order. 
Leo condescended to write to Gabriel, a Venitian, 
grand vicar of the Order, exhorting him to exer- 
cise his official prerogative, or, to copy the literal 
expressions, to " employ all his mind, study, labour, 
advice and diligence, in opposing the dissemination 
of the new doctrines."* "Abuses," he added, " slight 
in their outset, were apt to become incurable by de- 
lay." — Luther, on the other hand, was by no means 
inactive. Confident in the favourable disposition of 
his brethren of the university, he applied to them to 
intercede for him in a body with the pope. To this 
the rector, masters, and doctors of the university 
willingly assented, and addressed, on the 25th Sept. 
a letter to Charles Miltitz, a German, and chamber- 
lain of the pope, requesting him to exert his in- 
fluence with his master to obtain for Luther a trial 
in Germany, by judges free from suspicion, and in 



* Sleid. L. 1. 



YEAR 1518. 



s. 

97 



a place where he might be assured of personal safety. 
After bestowing great praises on Luther's learning 
and exemplary morals, they inserted an explicit 
denial of the charge of impiety brought against his 
doctrine, alleging, that had this been the case, they 
would have been the first to expel him from their 
society and surrender him to the power of the law. 
On the same day they addressed a letter to the pon- 
tiff, in which, after apologising for their freedom in 
writing to so high a quarter, they proceed as follows : 
44 Brother Martin Luther, a faithful and accepta- 
ble member of our university, has entreated us, in a 
confidence of the success of our intercession, to 
write to your Holiness, and to afford him a testi- 
monial of the soundness of his doctrine and cha- 
racter, both of which he complains have been un- 
justly censured. He is now summoned by com- 
mand of your Holiness to appear in person at Rome, 
on account of several propositions concerning In- 
dulgences disputed among us ; but his bad health, 
together with the danger of the road, prevents him 
from undertaking what it is both his duty and in- 
clination to do. On this account we, sympathising 
with the hardship of his case, have not been dis- 
posed to refuse our testimonial, since he believes it 
will be useful to him." After certifying Luther's 
orthodoxy and character, they make the admission 
that, 44 though he had asserted nothing as certain, 
yet, taking the liberty allowed in disputations, he had 
perhaps laid down positions with more freedom than 
some of his opponents could bear."*— -Of this testi- 
monial no notice was taken by the pope. 



* Luth. i. 206. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p, 41, 

N 



98 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

We return now to Frederick, whom we find ac- 
quitting himself with much judgment and know- 
ledge of the world. After finishing the business of 
the Diet, he obtained from Cajetan an assurance 
that Luther should not be compelled to proceed to 
Rome, and engaged, in return, that he should pre- 
sent himself before the legate at Augsburg.* This 
course of proceeding was calculated, if not to pre- 
vent, at least to delay a rupture between the parties. 
It amounted to a compliance with the pope's man- 
date as far as regarded sending Luther to Cajetan ; 
while, by the precaution of stipulating for the per- 
sonal liberty of the reformer, it prevented that com- 
pliance from being attended with hazardous con- 
sequences. On returning home, Frederick gave 
Luther letters of recommendation to the senate and 
to some of the principal inhabitants of the city of 
Augsburg. Aware of Luther's poverty, the elector 
furnished him with money for the expedition. With 
these aids, Luther proceeded on his journey, which 
was long and tedious. Notwithstanding the pro- 
vision made for him in the pecuniary way, his attire 
was so unsuited to a public appearance, that, on 
arriving at Nuremberg, he found it necessary to 
borrow a friar's cowl from Linccius, a divine of his 
own Order, whom he had known from his child- 
hood. On leaving Nuremberg, he continued his 
progress to the southward, crossed the Danube, and, 
after a fatiguing peregrination, entered Augsburg. 
" Veni pedester et pauper Augustam, stipatus sump* 
tibus principis Frederici."f 

* Luther. Pesef. also Op. i. 208. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 45. 
f Luther. Prsef. 



YEAR 1518. 



99 



Such was the humble equipage of the man whose 
cause now occupied the attention of Germany. "I 
had attacked," says Luther, " what neither bishop 
nor divine had in times past dared to touch. The 
public awaited the issue with minds full of suspense 
but favourably disposed towards me, because their 
eyes were at last becoming open to the imposture 
and oppressive exactions of the church of Rome." 

By the elector's advice he had ventured to come 
without any public safe-conduct, a step which, at a 
future period, he did not hesitate to consider im- 
prudent. Cajetan was a Dominican and an in- 
quisitor ; the papal court, moreover, had enjoined 
Luther's attendance at Rome, and was accustomed, 
in the execution of its decrees, to consider that the 
end justified the means. 

Luther arrived at Augsburg on Friday, October 8, 
and repaired to the Ausgutinian convent, where he 
delivered the elector's letter ; but he took up his 
lodging with the Carmelite friars, in consequence 
either of the advice of his Augustinian friends, or, 
as is more likely, of his personal acquaintance with 
the prior of the Carmelites. He was prepared to 
consider Cajetan in the light only of a controversial 
disputant, and was ignorant of his being invested 
with a power to judge, and if he proved incorrigible, 
to proceed against him. He determined, however, 
not to appear before Cajetan if he should ascertain 
that he had been previously condemned by the pope. 

Luther's arrival in the city did not long remain 
unknown. The first person whom he saw, on the 
part of the legate, was one Urban, surnamed " De 
longa Serra," an Italian belonging to the legate's 
mission. Urban, without acknowledging any au~ 



100 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



thority from Cajetan, conversed very freely on the 
subject of Luther's journey, and seemed desirous of 
removing all suspicion in regard to his personal 
safety. He omitted nothing to induce Luther to 
appear without hesitation before the legate. The 
Augustinians, however, dissuaded Luther from tak- 
ing that step without obtaining a letter of protection 
from the emperor, who was then at Augsburg. Ca- 
jetan, whatever was his object, seems to have been 
very desirous that Luther should appear before him 
without a safe-guard. "On the third day after my 
arrival at Augsburg," says Luther, " Urban re- 
turned and expostulated with me for not going to 
the cardinal, who would receive me very graciously. 
I answered, that I was under the necessity of fol- 
lowing the advice of the excellent men to whom 
Prince" Frederick had recommended me, and whose 
opinion it was, that I ought not, on any account, 
to appear before the cardinal, without a protection 
from the emperor, or some public pledge of personal 
safety. When that is obtained, and application is 
now making for it to the emperor's council, I am 
willing immediately to present myself before him. 
Urban, under some agitation, said, " What, do you 
imagine that Prince Frederick would take arms in 
your defence?" I answered that, "I did not wish 
any such thing." "But," replied he, " under 
whose protection can you be safe?" I made answer, 
" Under the protection of heaven." He then asked, 
if " I had the pope and cardinals in my power, 
what I would do to them ?" To which I answered, 
" That I would show them all reverence and 
honour." On this he took a hasty leave and paid 
me no more visits." 



YEAR 1518. 



101 



Maximilian being absent on a hunting excursion, 
some days elapsed before obtaining the protection 
from him. Luther in the interval (Monday, Octo- 
ber 11,) took up the pen and wrote to his friend 
Melancthon : — 

"There is nothing new or unusual going on here, 
unless that the city is full of the rumour of my name, 
and that every one is desirous of seeing Erostratus 
the incendiary.* — Continue to behave manfully and 
to lead the youth in the right path. I am willing 
to be sacrificed for them and for you, if such be 
God's will. I choose rather to die and to lose what 
I should deeply lament — your delightful conversa- 
tion, than to recant what I have said, and become 
the occasion of casting disrepute on the most com- 
mendable studies. Italy is plunged in Egyptian 
darkness — all are ignorant of Christ and of the 
things that are Christ's.— Yet these are the men who 
are to remain our masters in faith and morals !" 

The imperial protection was now granted to 
Luther, and an official notice of it sent to Cajetan. 
This however was merely the fulfilment of a form, 
Cajetan having been privy to the discussion on the 
subject in the emperor's council.! Luther, having 
received his safe-guard, proceeded to wait on the 
legate, who received him very politely, and said 
that he had no intention to enter into argument, but 
hoped to settle their differences by private and unre- 
served conversation. This condescending tone was 
assumed in the hope of obtaining Luther's acquies- 
cence to the demands which he was about to make ; 

* Erostratus set fire to the temple of Diana at Ephesus upon 
the day that Alexander the Great was born, 
t Epist. Cajat. ad Frider. ap. Luth. I. 220. 



102 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



and in the complete confidence of victory if they 
should proceed to argue. He began by desiring, in 
the pope's name, that Luther should do three things : 
first, abjure his past errors; second, abstain from in- 
culcating them in future ; and, third, abstain from 
all errors which might have a tendency to disturb 
the peace of the church. Luther was on the point 
of remarking that had he been disposed to recant, 
he might as well have done it at Wittemberg, and 
spared himself the trouble of the journey. He con- 
fined himself, however, to requesting Cajetan to in- 
form him in what point his errors lay, as he was not 
conscious of any. On this the legate found great 
fault with his conduct in two respects : the first, and 
that on which he laid the chief stress, was his op- 
position to the sale of Indulgences, and consequently 
to the bull of Pope Clement VI. which he imagined 
Luther had not seen. But Lulher soon informed 
him that he had carefully perused not only that bull, 
but another published by Sixtus IV. without being 
able to assent to them, as they contained many 
things contrary to Scripture. Cajetan, relying on 
his scholastic learning, referred to the authority of 
Thomas Aquinas in support of the bull. This 
Luther resisted, insinuating that Cajetan seemed to 
prefer the authority of Aquinas to that of Scripture. 
Cajetan, conscious of his acquaintance with Scrip- 
ture, and ill prepared for contradiction from a per- 
son in Luther's humble station, had recourse to di- 
rect and confident assertion, maintaining that his 
Holiness was not only supreme head of the church, 
but superior in authority to a General Council. He 
referred to the rejection and dissolution of the Coun- 
cil of Basil, and passed a severe censure on Gerson 



YEAR 1518. 



103 



and his followers, by whom chiefly the measures of 
that Council were directed. Luther had not ex- 
pected the legate to proceed so far in his assertion of 
papal prerogative. He appealed, in reply, to the 
declaration of the university of Paris, the most emi- 
nent seminary at that time in Europe, and with 
whom the superiority of a General Council to the 
pope had been a favourite doctrine. On this the 
legate observed with warmth, "The Parisians shall 
see what punishment awaits them."-— Vide bunt 
pcenas suas* 

The second point of debate related to the necessity 
of faith in those who take the sacrament. Instead 
of regarding the sacrament as a memorial of the 
death of Christ, the Catholics involve a very plain 
doctrine in obscurity and mysticism. They affirm 
that, by the magic of a priest's benediction, plain 
bread and plain wine are transubstantiated into the 
real body of Christ, which they at the same time 
admit to be in heaven. This opinion Luther op- 
posed, and desired of Cajetan that, in their argu- 
ments, reference should be had only to the Scrip- 
tures and to those canons, the authority of which 
was acknowledged by them both. Cajetan assented 
to this limitation, but was unable, in the course of 
discussion, to refrain from founding his arguments 
on the authority of the scholastic doctors. It was 
in vain that Luther called on him to adduce in sup- 
port of his opinion a single argument either from 
Scripture or the Fathers. "Peto unam Scriptures 
auctoritaiem, vel sanctorum patrum, quae sit contra 
meam hanc sententiam."\ But whenever Luther 



* Luth. i. 22?. 



f Luth. i. 222. 



104 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



laid stress on Scripture, the legate endeavoured to 
turn him into ridicule. Another remarkable cir- 
cumstance was their difference in estimating the 
comparative importance of the two points in dis- 
pute. Luther regarded that of the sacrament as by 
much the more serious, while Cajetan, viewing 
things through the medium of calculation, did not 
scruple to say, m a subsequent conversation with 
Linccius, that if Luther would not oppose Indul- 
gences, the business could be easily settled, the dif- 
ference with respect to the sacrament being " sus- 
ceptible of interpretation." — So much nearer was 
money than faith to the heart of this son of the 
church. 

Luther, finding after a long conversation that he 
could not succeed in fixing the legate to a point, 
broke off the interview by desiring time for reflec- 
tion. Conscious of his own warmth, and appre- 
hending that without witnesses his behaviour might 
be misrepresented, he made his appearance next day, 
(October 13) attended by four Imperial senators, a 
notary, and witnesses. There were present also the 
envoys of the elector of Saxony , Philip Feilitsch, a 
knight, John Ruel, a lawyer, and Staupitz, who 
had arrived in the interval at Augsburg. In pre- 
sence of these witnesses Luther read to the legate a 
written declaration, which purported that, in main- 
taining his opinions, he was actuated by no want of 
respect to the church. It was drawn in legal form, 
and was as follows : 

" I, Brother Martin Luther, call to witness that 
I have respected and am disposed to respect the 
holy Roman church in all my sayings and actions, 
past, present, and future, and that if I have said, 



YEAR 1518. 



1 05 



or shall say any thing to the contrary, it is my wish 
to account it, and that others should account it, as 
not said." He then recites the three concessions 
already mentioned as required by the cardinal, and 
thus proceeds, " I have sought and argued for truth 
only ; 1 cannot therefore be condemned for merely 
seeking it, much less be compelled to recant un- 
heard and unconvinced. I this day declare that I 
am not conscious to myself of having said any thing 
contrary to the Holy Scripture, the Fathers of the 
church, the decretals of the popes, or right reason : 
but that every proposition which I have expressed 
appears to me to be strictly true, and consistent with 
the Catholic faith. Nevertheless, as I am liable to 
error like other men, I have submitted and do now 
submit myself to the determination and judgment of 
the true Holy Church, and to all my superiors in 
knowledge. Meantime, fully to satisfy my op- 
ponents, I offer personally to assign a reason for the 
sentiments I have espoused, either here or elsewhere, 
and even in public if it be required ; and if this be 
not agreeable to the right reverend legate, I am pre- 
pared to answer objections in writing, and to abide 
by the judgment and decision of the Imperial uni- 
versities of Basil, Friburg, Lou vain ; or, if that be 
not sufficient, by that of Paris itself." 

In this second conference, Cajetan, still confident 
of success, continued to speak with his former volu- 
bility. In one point he allowed his ardour to carry 
him so far as to make an assertion, which on the 
actual inspection of the canons, he found it neces- 
sary to confess a mistake in Luther's presence. 
Staupitz, perceiving that from a discussion so loosely 
carried on, no practical good could result, proposed 

O 



106 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



that at the next interview Luther should give in his 
defence in writing. This accordingly took place on 
October 14, Luther delivering a defence of the two 
propositions which had been impugned by the legate, 
and repeating his former arguments in positive terms. 
If the two former interviews augured unfavourably, 
the third was fatal to all hope of accommodation. 
It was now apparent that nothing but the clearest 
argument would satisfy Luther, and that he paid no 
deference to official rank. Cajetan lost all temper, 
and threatened to send Luther to Rome. He broke 
off the conversation by commanding him to leave his 
presence and not to return until sent for. After this 
hasty step, Cajetan appears to have been in no small 
embarrassment about the plan to be pursued. Ap- 
prehensive of that censure at the court of Rome 
which was the ordinary lot of unsuccessful nego- 
ciators, and conscious that he had acted too impe- 
riously, he felt the necessity of trying the experi- 
ment of conciliation. On the same day that he had 
behaved so precipitately to Luther, he sent for Stau- 
pitz, and solicited him to use his influence, as pro- 
vincial vicar of the Augustinians in Saxony, to in- 
duce Luther to recant, assuring him that recantation 
did not necessarily imply delinquency. Staupitz 
having promised compliance, the legate made the 
further request that he would " confute Luther from 
the Scripture," to which Staupitz frankly replied, 
that he required what was above his ability, " Luther 
being his superior both in general attainments and 
in knowledge of the Scripture." 

Cajetan's assurance, that Luther would incur no 
delinquency by recanting, was spurned at by the 
latter the moment Staupitz mentioned it. He justly 



YEAR 1518. 107 

argued, that a recantation would subject him to the 
perpetual infamy attached to those who act from the 
fear of man, and abjure truth in defiance of their 
conviction. In making the attempt, Cajetan had in 
view the official authority of Staupitz over Luther 
in his capacity of provincial. But this alternative 
had been foreseen, and Luther had been absolved by 
Staupitz from obedience previously to the conference, 
for the double purpose of exempting the August! - 
nians, as a body, from responsibility, and for af- 
fording an excuse to Staupitz, if ordered to exercise 
authority against Luther. 

In subsequent days, when Luther was enabled to 
look back with composure on his early troubles, he 
used to call Caje tan's denunciation, excommunica- 
tion the first. The hostile decree of the pope, which 
we shall have occasion to notice by and bye, he called 
excommunication the second, and that of the em- 
peror Charles at the Diet of Worms, excommuni- 
cation the third. At present, however, he was sur- 
rounded by friends of less energy than himself, and 
who spared no pains to persuade him of the necessity 
of pacifying the cardinal. The result of their en- 
treaties was apparent in a letter sent by Luther to 
that prelate a few days after, viz. October 17, and 
composed in a style altogether different from his or- 
dinary language. In this submissive communica- 
tion, Luther, after alluding to the admonitions of 
his friends, and his respect for the representative of 
papal majesty, admitted that he had spoken of the 
pope indiscreetly and irreverently; that although he 
had received considerable provocation, he now un- 
derstood that it was his duty to have treated the sub- 
ject with more humility : that he regretted the past. 



10S 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



and should henceforth endeavour to speak after a dif- 
ferent manner : that, in respect to Indulgences, he 
was perfectly ready to let the subject rest, provided 
that either silence or moderation of language were 
imposed on those who had given him provocation. 
He requested that the whole cause should be referred 
to the pope, so that these doubtful points being set- 
tled by the authority of the church, he might know 
whether it was incumbent on him to believe or to 
recant. And, to impress the necessity of a speedy 
decision by the church, he enlarged on the inutility 
of recantation without complete conviction. 

This letter appears considerably at variance with 
the frankness and boldness of Luther's character. 
But, in judging it, we are to take into account as 
well the timidity of his advising friends, as his own 
anxiety to act the part of a true son of the church ; 
a character, which as yet he identified with that of 
a sincere inquirer after truth. Besides, the juncture 
was replete with alarm ; he, as well as Staupitz, 
being at a distance from home and in a quarter 
where their enemies had power. Hence the appa- 
rent contradiction in his proceedings. On the 16th 
October he had privately prepared a protest addressed 
to the " Pope when better informed," recapitulating 
his conduct and motives in the late controversy, 
along with a short detail of the measures which had 
been taken against him. On the 17th he was pre- 
vailed on to take a very different step, and to write 
the submissive letter already mentioned ; and on the 
1 8th he again took up the pen and composed a letter 
to the legate, containing a notice of the protest and 
of his inability to remain longer at Augsburg. This 
letter, though less submissive than that of the 17th, 



YEAR 1518. 



109 



is still a good deal different from Luther's usual tone. 
But neither it, nor the protest, was transmitted to 
the legate till after his departure from Augsburg, 
which took place suddenly on Wednesday, October 
20. Cajetan having taken no notice of the letter of 
17th, and having been heard to drop threats,* 
Luther, early in the morning, mounted a horse pro- 
vided by his trusty friend, Staupitz. Quitting the 
city by a private gate, he rode nearly forty miles 
that day, a continuance of exercise so unusual with 
him, that on dismounting he lay down on the 
ground and fell asleep. Staupitz, equally alarmed, 
left Augsburg soon after, while Linccius and Lu- 
ther's host, the prior of the Carmelites, lost no time 
in following the prudent example. 

These sudden departures gave great offence to 
Cajetan* His displeasure was increased by the pub- 
lication, a few day after, of Luther's protest of 
16th of October. A monk had engaged to deliver 
this document to Cajetan, but wanting courage to 
face the legate, he affixed it to the market place. 
On this Cajetan took up the pen and wrote to the 
elector Frederick a letter couched in a very high 
tone. He asserted that he had obtained a victory 
in disputation over Luther, complained of the clan- 
destine departure of him and Staupitz, and urged 
Frederick not to forget the respect due to his own 
character by protecting Luther. He addressed him 
as pledged in conscience and in honour to expel 
Luther from his territories, and send him to Rome; 
adding, significantly, tnat so pestilent a heresy 

* Jactavit sese habere mandatum ut et me et vicarium incarcera- 
ret. Act. Aug. ap. Luth. Oper. 



110 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



could not be suffered to exist, for at Rome they 
would follow up the matter as soon as they had re- 
ceived his report of what had passed. 

It was at Nuremberg, on his return, that Luther 
first received notice that the pope's brief to Cajetan 
had gone so far as to appoint the legate, not a dispu- 
tant merely but a judge. Though unwilling to 
ascribe to the pope personally. the origin of so arbi- 
trary a proceeding, he could not fail to consider it 
as a convincing proof of the rancour of those who 
guided the Romish councils. He now looked for 
nothing but persecution from a quarter in which he 
had hitherto cherished the hope of justice. Depri- 
vation of .his' appointment as professor of divinity, 
and separation from those whom he most loved and 
valued, were dangers which now appeared to im- 
pend over him. Frederick was, to a certain extent, 
friendly ; but how far could he make reliance on his 
venturing to incur the anger of the court of Rome ? 
In confidential intercourse with his ministers the 
elector held encouraging language, but this was 
partly unknown to Luther, and the backwardness 
of the court of Saxony in regard to public proceed- 
ings was calculated to lessen his confidence. He 
had prepared, and sent to press, a narrative of what 
had passed at Augsburg, but the printing was twice 
suspended by Frederick's order, and the final leave 
to publish was obtained with difficulty. At one 
time Luther had serious thoughts of repairing to 
Paris, and of putting himself under the protection of 
the university, whose sentiments on the pope's 
power were similar to his own. From this, how- 
ever, Frederick dissuaded him, and his own par- 
tiality to the establishment at Wittemberg, which 



YEAR 1518. 



Ill 



had flourished under his auspices, came strongly in 
aid of the negative advice. 

In this season of anxious suspense, Luther wrote 
to Spalatin in the month of November, and dwelt 
on the former suggestion of an application from the 
elector to the pope for a trial in Germany. "Not," 
adds he, "that I am very anxious about my own 
safety. It is cause of great grief to me, that I am 
not worthy to suffer, in an eminent degree, for the 
truth. By my journey to Augsburg I courted dan- 
ger almost to the tempting of God. The prosperity 
of our university is the chief ground of my anxiety. 
I am unwilling that the studies of our most excellent 
youth, who are wonderfully ardent in the investiga- 
tion of the Scriptures, should be strangled in the 
birth." In another letter to the same person, he 
pathetically compares himself to Abraham, the father 
of the faithful, who, on forsaking his country and 
his nation, knew not whither he was going ; but 
full of hope and confidence, like that man of God, 
Luther adds, "I do know, for God is every where." 

The elector, on receiving Cajetan's letter, was of 
opinion that Luther's cause should be brought under 
the immediate review of the emperor, and a com- 
munication to that effect from Frederick to Pfefiin- 
ger, who was then at Augsburg, bearing date 19th 
November, is still in existence. It relates what 
Cajetan had done and written, and renews a former 
instruction to Pfeflfinger to recommend to the em- 
peror to interpose his authority and write to Rome, 
that the cause should either be amicably settled, or 
investigated by disinterested persons in Germany. 
The elector at the same time communicated Cajetan's 
letter to Luther, desiring him to answer the theolo- 



112 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



gical part of it; a task which Luther forthwith un- 
dertook and produced a reply in the form of a let- 
ter to Frederick. This reply has been the subject 
of great abuse on the part of the Roman Catholics, 
and of no less praise from the reformed. It differs, 
in several respects, from the account of the Augsburg 
transactions given by Cajetan. After finishing the 
narrative, Luther proceeds to refute the propositions 
advanced as arguments by Cajetan, and accomplishes 
the task with great felicity. This tract was pub- 
lished both in Latin and German and favourably re- 
ceived by all ranks. Its Latin style is superior to 
that of any of Luther's other pieces ; and towards 
the conclusion, in alluding to his own humble station 
and imminent danger, he becomes truly pathetic. 
After affirming that Cajetan's great object was to 
send him to Rome, he adds : 

"I am almost prepared to submit to the pains of 
exile, for I perceive that my enemies have laid 
snares for me on all sides, nor do I know where I 
can live in safety. What can I, a poor and humble 
monk, expect, or rather what danger ought I not to 
dread, since so illustrious a prince is exposed to 
threats unless he send me to Rome or banish me 
from his territories? Wherefore, lest any injury 
should befall your Highness on my account, I am 
willing to forsake my native country and to go 
wherever a merciful God shall be pleased to direct, 
leaving the issue to his will. Therefore, most 
illustrious Prince, I respectfully bid you farewell, 
and take my leave with infinite thanks for all the 
favours you have been pleased to confer on me. In 
whatever part of the world I may be, I shall never 
be unmindful of your Highness, but shall pray 




YEAR 1518. 



113 



sincerely and gratefully for your happiness and that 
of your family." 

This letter Luther sent to his friend Spalatin for 
perusal before transmitting it to the elector. It was 
forwarded on 25th November, after which he appears 
to have passed a very anxious week. On the second 
of December, we find him writing to Spalatin : " Had 
not your letter arrived yesterday, I should certainly 
have been preparing for my departure, and even yet 
I know not what course to follow, though ready 
either to go or to remain. The anxiety expressed 
by my friends for my safety is astonishing and even 
greater than I can bear. Some persons have urged 
me very much to put myself into the elector's hands, 
that he might take me under his protection and be 
enabled to write the legate that I was in safe custody, 
as well as ready to appear and answer what was 
alleged against me ; but how far that advice ought 
to be regarded, I leave entirely to your decision. I 
am in the hands of God and my friends."* 

Luther's disquietude might have been lessened^ 
had he been aware that the incautious expressions in 
Cajetan's letter, approaching in some degree to a 
threat, had roused the spirit of Frederick. The 
latter wrote, on the 1 8th of December, an answer to 
the legate, in substance as follows : 

" Your letter of October 25th reached me on 
19th November, not by a special messenger, but in 
the ordinary course of post. Luther's appearance at 
Augsburg I consider a fulfilment of all that has been 
promised on my part. Notwithstanding the as- 
surances which you gave me of allowing him to de~ 



* Seckend. p. 53. 
P 



114 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



part with tokens of your regard, a recantation, I 
hear, was required of him before the subject was 
sufficiently discussed. Many learned men can see 
nothing impious, unchristian, or heretical in Luther's 
doctrine, and its chief opponents appear to be among 
those who do not understand it, or whose private in- 
terest stimulates them to opposition. I am always 
ready to do my duty as a Christian prince, and am 
therefore at a loss to conceive why there should be 
held out such threats, as that the court of Rome 
would follow up the cause, that Luther should be 
sent thither, or that he should be banished from my 
principality. He has, as yet at least, been convicted 
of no heresy, and his banishment would be very in- 
jurious to the university of Wittemberg. I enclose 
an answer to the other parts of your letter from 
Luther, whom I do not consider in the light of a 
heretic, because he has not been proved such, and, 
because it is consistent with justice that he should 
have a hearing."* 

The tone and arguments of this letter are exactly 
in unison with what Luther himself had expressed. 
The members of the university of Wittemberg had, 
in the middle of November, entreated the elector to 
protect their colleague, and the success of their ap- 
plication may be traced in the letter which we have 
quoted. This unequivocal proof of Frederick's at- 
tachment gave Luther a fresh accession of courage. 
He well knew the cool and persevering disposition 
of the elector, and, confident of a candid hearing, 
he ventured, contrary to the advice of his friends, 
to publish a pretty full narrative of what had taken 



* Luth. i. p. 221. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 55. 



YEAR 1518. 



115 



place at Augsburg. Though he did not, to use his 
own expression,* expose to view the whole truth, he 
put on record enough of the extravagant pretensions 
of Cajetan, and of the court of Rome, to excite the 
public odium at their arrogance, and to pave the 
way for the adoption of more decided steps. Hither- 
to he had been satisfied with making his appeal to 
the pope, but the measures lately taken against him 
at Rome, having greatly lessened his attachment to 
Leo, he composed and sent to press on the 28th of 
November, an appeal from the pope to a general 
council.f His intention was that this appeal should 
not be published at the time, but kept back till he got 
farther notice of what was going on at Rome. He 
contracted accordingly with the printer to retain 
possession of all the copies ; but such was the in- 
terest of the subject, that the printer was induced to 
give way to solicitation, and to dispose of almost the 
whole impression without Luther's knowledge. 

Whilst Luther was thus preparing his weapons of 
defence, the guardians of the papal power continued 
to urge on Leo the necessity of vigorous measures 
against him. Believing that they might still venture 
to hold the arrogant language of earlier ages, a bull, 
or, as it was called, a decretal, addressed to the legate, 
was issued from the apostolic chamber on 9th No- 
vember, though not published by Cajetan till 13th 
December. It contained an order to all ecclesiastical 
dignitaries in Germany to publish its contents under 
pain of suspension from their offices, the power of 
doing which was vested in Cajetan. This bull con- 

* Seckend. p. 56. 

t Luth. i. 231. Sleid. L. i. Sarp. L. i. Seckend. p. 58, 



116 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



tained no argument, and was merely a repetition of 
the old doctrine of Indulgences, expressed with all 
the confidence of infallibility. No mention was made 
of Luther or of his opposition, from a desire, no 
doubt, to avoid giving him importance by bringing 
him before the public eye, as well as, by studied 
ambiguity, to keep the door open for his recantation. 
In short, the object of the bull was to maintain the 
reputation of Indulgences, and to resist any attempt 
at a diminution of the papal power in Germany. 

We are now arrived at the close of this memorable 
year. Cajetan, in the course of next year, returned 
to Rome, and was considered as having acted with 
precipitancy as well towards Frederick as Luther. 
Mortified at the superiority of the latter in Scriptural 
erudition, he devoted himself with great assiduity to 
the study of Greek and Hebrew. We shall seldom 
meet with him in the subsequent collisions between 
Luther and the adherents of the church, but he lived 
eleven years after this date and published commen- 
taries on Scripture, which procured him the reputa- 
tion of being one of the most learned among the 
Dominicans. It had been fortunate for him had he 
earlier pursued this course, for his conversation at 
Augsburg with Luther, on the subject of Scripture, 
was such as to leave on \he latter a suspicion of 
heresy, if not of atheism.* 



Luther's letter to Spalatin, Nov. 19, 1518, 



YEAR 1519. 



117 



CHAPTER IV. 

YEAR 1519. 

MEANTIME the university of Wittemberg con- 
tinued a kind of central point for the diffusion of the 
new doctrines. The fame of Luther and the re- 
spectability of Melancthon increased, more and 
more, the number of the students. The prosperity 
of this favourite establishment tended to confirm 
Frederick in his friendly disposition towards Lu- 
ther's creed, and an event, which now occurred, 
increased considerably his power of promoting it. 
The death of the emperor Maximilian took place in 
the beginning of 1519, and left to Frederick, for a 
season, the uncontrolled direction of that part of 
Germany which is governed by the Saxon laws. 
This extension of authority continued during the 
five months which elapsed before the election of an- 
other emperor, a precious interval for the propaga- 
tion of the new tenets. Without appearing openly 
to favour them, Frederick permitted them to take 
root in silence, and to acquire a degree of strength 
which enabled them to offer a successful resistance 
to future attempts at oppression. 

Previously to Luther's appearance, Frederick had 
been reputed a zealous son of the church and had 
made application, in 1515, for what is termed a 
Golden Rose. Three years had elapsed without 
overcoming the difficulties in obtaining this singular 



118 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



and mysterious gift:* but political reasons now 
concurred to remove all obstacles in the way of a 
donation, which was expected to render Frederick 
a sincere defender of the church. In September, 
1518, a communication was sent him from Rome 
that the golden rose was at last obtained, and would, 
together with the bulls relating to it, be speedily for- 
warded to him. 

Cajetan having incurred the censure, whether 
real or ostensible, of his court, for his proceedings in 
the case of Luther, that part of his functions was 
committed to Miltitz, a Saxon by birth, and a lay- 
man. Miltitz possessed a large share of diplomatic 
address, and the circumstance of his being a lay- 
man was calculated to give the transactions respect- 
ing Luther a political rather than an ecclesiastical 
aspect. Having arrived in Saxony towards the end 
of 1518, one of his first steps was to summon Tetzel 
to appear before him at Altenburg. Tetzel had re- 
tired to a Dominican monastery at Leipsic, from 
which he replied to Miltitz that a compliance with 
his order would be attended with great personal 
danger to him, in consequence of the general fer- 
ment excited by Luther's opposition. 

The example of Cajetan having evinced the im- 
policy of imperious measures, the instructions from 
the pope to Miltitz appear to have been of a con- 
trary character. The nuncio having sought an early 
opportunity of a conference with Luther, an inter- 

# Various mysteries were conceived to be implied by a golden 
rose. It was significative of the body of Christ, the most pleasant 
and beautiful of all flowers, &c. Seckend. p. 65. L'Enfant has 
given an account of its origin and emblematic power in L. vi. Sect. 
56. of Hist. Cone. Constans. 



YEAR 1519. 



119 



view took place between them in Spalatin's house 
at Altenburg, on the 7th January, 1519.* Miltitz, 
desirous of avoiding contentious ground, enlarged 
on the general danger of schism, and deplored that 
the seeds of discord should be sown in the church. 
To positions of this nature Luther could hardly fail 
to assent. The conversation became more spirited 
when Luther directed a pointed censure at Leo for 
accumulating ecclesiastical dignities on Albert, arch- 
bishop of Mentz,t and participating in the ignoble 
revenue of Indulgences. Miltitz was however de- 
termined that the conference should end amicably, 
and closed it with a repast and a cordial parting, the 
object of which Luther had now acquired sufficient 
knowledge of the world to comprehend. The final 
agreement was that Miltitz should refer the whole 
transaction to the pope ; that the disputants should 
in the meantime be enjoined silence; that Luther 
should write to Leo, declaring his subjection to the 
papal See ; and that a petition should be presented 
to Leo requesting him to remit the cognizance of the 
affair to some learned German bishops 4 As a se~ 

* See Luther's account of this interview. T. i. 235; also 
Seckend.p.6l. 

f Albert was archbishop of Magdeburg, primate of Germany, 
administrator of the bishoprick of Halberstat, and on 9th March, 
1514, was elected, in addition, archbishop of Mentz. Leo had 
granted him permission to hold the two archbishopricks at the 
same time ; a thing, says Ciaconius, quite unknown to the church, 
and which never had happened to any prince. Vit. Pontif. p. 
1429. 

J Leo named the archbishops of Saltsburg, of Treves, and 
Freisingen. In a letter to Staupitz giving an account of the con- 
ference, Luther writes very significantly respecting Miltitz's be- 
haviour. — Atque vesperiy me accepto convivio, Icetati sumus et 



120 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



quel to this conciliatory arrangement, Miltitz pro- 
ceeded to express a public disapprobation of TetzePs 
conduct. Having repaired to Leipsic, he sent for 
Tetzel and twice reprimanded him, in the presence 
of his provincial, for immorality as well as pecula- 
tion. From Leipsic, Miltitz proceeded to Augs- 
burg, whence, on the 6th February, he wrote to the 
court of Saxony, expressing a confident hope of an 
amicable adjustment of the controversy, and request- 
ing that Luther should in the meantime abstain 
from any publication. 

Miltitz now proceeded to Treves, where Cajetan 
happened to be, and where a step was proposed 
which seemed at variance with the late conciliatory 
proceedings. Luther having in his conversation 
with Miltitz expressed no aversion to defend himself 
before the archbishop of Treves, the admission was 
laid hold of, and it was resolved to send for him to 
plead his cause in presence of the archbishop. This 
desire was communicated in a letter from the elector 
of Treves to Frederick, bearing date 3d May. Frede- 
rick was aware that no good could result from the 
proposition, but, without giving it a negative, replied 
from Heldburg, one of his castles in Franconia, that 
he would make the communication to Luther, and 
converse personally with the elector of Treves on the 
subject when they should meet at Frankfort. 

On the death of Maximilian, the electors took 
unanimously the determination of offering the im- 
perial crown to Frederick. It had been the policy 
of their ancestors to avoid conferring this high rank 

osculo mihi dato, discessimus. Ego sic me gessi quasi has Itali- 
tates et simulationes no intelligerem. Seckend. p. 63. 



YEAR 1519. 



121 



on a prince, who from the magnitude of his power 
in other respects might be dangerous to their 
liberties. This objection applied strongly to both 
competitors, Francis and Charles. On the other 
hand, they saw in Frederick a prince who, without 
possessing too much power from his hereditary do- 
minions, was admirably calculated to administer the 
affairs of the empire. But Frederick knew too well 
the disquietudes of governing to be tempted by the 
dazzling offer. He absolutely declined it, and gave, 
as his principal reason, that the danger to the em- 
pire from the side of Turkey, called for the nomi- 
nation of a powerful prince. Charles, he added, 
had, as well from his German descent, as from being 
the hereditary sovereign of the countries most ex- 
posed to the Ottomans, the first claim in his opinion, 
to the suffrages of the Diet. These arguments were 
decisive of the election in favour of Charles, which 
took place accordingly on the meeting of the electors 
at Frankfort, in the month of June. In regard to 
Luther, an understanding took place that his pro- 
posed appearance before the elector of Treves should 
not be insisted on, but that his case should be taken 
into consideration at the first Diet held by the 
young emperor. 

The papal court took a very lively interest in the 
proceedings relative to the election of an emperor. To 
Charles they were strongly adverse, the power of 
that prince in Italy being already such, that, with 
the addition of the empire, it could not fail to be 
subversive of the independence of the holy See. So 
long as there remained a hope of giving effect to the 
expectations of Francis I., the pope spared no pains 
to court so powerful a member of the electoral col- 

Q 



122 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



lege as Frederick. And even after that hope was 
gone, the weight of Frederick's political influence 
rendered it desirable, to avoid giving him occasion of 
offence. Here, therefore, lay the secret of the for- 
bearance displayed by the court of Rome in regard 
to Luther, who enjoyed, as they well knew, the 
good wishes of his prince. 

Luther meanwhile continued to discharge his 
duty as professor and preacher with his usual 
energy and success. Nor was he dilatory in ful- 
filling his promise to Miltitz of addressing a dutiful 
letter to the pope. He wrote it from Altenburg on 
3d March, 1519. Miltitz having demanded satis- 
faction for Luther's irreverence towards his Holiness, 
Luther declared himself exceedingly concerned at 
the charge, and maintained that his whole conduct 
had proceeded from a desire to defend the honour of 
the church. The wrath of Leo he could not bear, 
and yet knew not how to extricate himself from it. 
He was ready to recant as soon as his conviction 
should enable him, but his writings, in consequence 
chiefly of the opposition of his antagonists, had been 
very generally circulated and had made an impres- 
sion not easily effaced. Moreover, Germany abound- 
ing in well informed men, the true way for him to 
honour the church was to be very cautious how he 
recanted, or gave occasion of ecclesiastical scandal 
to the world. " It is those, most Holy Father, 
whom I have resisted, who have brought disrepute 
on the church. Under the shelter of your name, 
and through means of the coarsest pretexts, they 
have gratified a detestable avarice and put on the 
most revolting hypocrisy. Now they proceed to 
throw on me the blame of the mischief that has 



YEAR 1519. 



123 



happened, but I protest before God and man, that 
I never did, nor at present do wish to make any 
infringement on the power of the church or your 
Holiness, confessing in the fullest manner that 
nothing in heaven or earth is to be preferred to it, 
except the power of Christ Jesus, who is Lord of 
all." He then repeats his offer to observe silence 
on the subject of Indulgences, provided his oppo- 
nents would do the same ; that he would recom- 
mend it to the common people to reverence the 
church ; that he was anxious that discord should 
cease ; and was ready to pursue any course by 
which these desirable things could be accom- 
plished.* 

This letter, like Luther's communication to Ca- 
jetan, has exposed him to the charge of great 
hypocrisy from his opponents. When considered, 
however, along with the prejudices under which 
he was educated and continued to labour, we can 
have very little doubt that it was expressive of his 
real sentiments. As yet he was far from declaring 
himself an enemy to the general measures of the 
court of Rome, because his state of knowledge 
with which his resolutions never failed to keep pace, 
was not sufficiently advanced for the adoption of 
such a determination. There can be very little 
doubt that, wavering as he was, he inclined to the 
hope of a reconciliation with the church. His 
own opinions were by no means fixed ; his studies 
were only in progress, and his inconsistencies are in 
a great measure to be accounted for by a very con- 
spicuous feature in his character— the habit of com- 



*Luth. i. 235. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 65, 



124 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



mitting without hesitation to writing the impres- 
sions of the moment. By way of counteracting 
any intemperance in his former publications, he 
now printed in German, and in a cheap form for 
general circulation, a religious treatise, discussing, 
with a very gentle hand, the contested points of the 
intercession of saints, purgatory, church censures, 
and the efficacy of good works. Yet, at the same 
time, it; appears from his correspondence with Spa- 
latin, that he was beginning to become seriously 
doubtful of the title of the see of Rome to the res- 
pect of the Christian world.* 

It was in the beginning of this year, that the 
bishop of Brandenburg, Luther's diocesan, devi- 
ated from the passive course which he had hitherto 
held in regard to the Reformer's affairs. He called 
Luther before him, and expatiated at great length 
on his rashness in engaging in so arduous an enter- 
prise. But Luther was too resolute to be deterred 
from his purpose, either by the admonition of men 
of rank or by a calculation of the consequences to 
himself. Nor was there wanting intelligence of a 
different nature to animate him in his course. He 
was informed about this time by the celebrated 
printer John Frobenius of Basil, that his writings 
were read and approved of at Paris even by the 
doctors of the Sorbonne ; that the whole edition 
which he had printed was dispersed in Italy, Spain, 
and elsewhere, and had received the general appro- 
bation of the learned. Intelligence equally agree- 
able was communicated to the elector of Saxony, a 
short time after, in a letter from Erasmus at Ant- 



* Seckend. p. 70. 



YEAR 1519. 



125 



werp : " I perceive," he said, " that Luther's books 
are most eagerly read by all the best judges of this 
place."* Frederick's answer to Erasmus bore ho- 
nourable testimony to the Reformer, and showed 
how acceptable he accounted such communications. 
Not long after, Erasmus gave Luther an equally 
favourable testimony in regard to the sentiments of 
our countrymen ; " Your writings," he said, " have 
warm admirers in England, and among persons too 
of the highest rank. "f— Important communications 
these, and proceeding from a highly respected 
quarter; but the sequel will show that the eventual 
conduct of this distinguished scholar, in regard to 
the*Reformation, little corresponded with his favour- 
able disposition at its outset. 

Meanwhile the body of the clergy, regular as 
well as secular, began to employ their influence in 
checking the progress of Luther's doctrine. The 
Franciscan Minorites held a convention at Interbok, 
and, without considering their own incompetency, 
proceeded to take Luther's writings under con- 
sideration. Their rooted antipathy to the Augusti- 
nians gave a spur to their researches for the detection 
of heresy in a member of that body. They ventured 
to enumerate fifteen specific points containing the 
principal topics in which Luther differed from the 
church of Rome, along with some others more 
nearly relating to themselves, the Reformer having 
boldly asserted that the claim of the Bohemians to 
the title of Christians was superior to that of the 

* " Certe hie video libros Lutheri ab optimis quibusque cupi- 
dissime legi." Luth. i. 237. 

t " Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis scriptis optime sentiunt, et sunt 
hi maximi." 



126 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Minorites. They submitted the grievous catalogue 
to the bishop of Brandenburg, in the confident ex- 
pectation that it would lead to an interdiction of any 
farther circulation of such obnoxious sentiments. But 
Luther had encountered more formidable enemies 
than the Minorites or his diocesan, and retorted on 
the former in a style which they little expected. 
Referring to their acknowledged deficiency in learn- 
ing, he expressed surprise at their presumption in 
attempting to decide on what they did not under- 
stand. He called on them to apologise for their 
rashness and to restore to him his good name, with- 
out which he was determined to publish their 
" scrawl," and subjoin a confutation in which their 
ignorance should be exposed to the world. After 
briefly refuting their positions, he concluded by offer- 
ing them the choice of peace or war. The result 
was, that the Minorites undertook no farther hos- 
tilities with this unsparing adversary. 

The public attention was next called to a dis- 
putation more worthy of the Reformer's cause. 
Among the numerous converts to his doctrine, he 
now reckoned the archdeacon of the church of All 
Saints at Wittemberg. The name of this zealous 
advocate was Bodenstein, but with the affectation 
common among the literati of the age, he assumed 
the adjunct of Carolostadius, derived from Caro- 
lostad in Franconia, the place of his birth. He 
was older than Luther, having presided as dean 
when the latter received his doctor's degree in 
1512.* He had already published a pamphlet in 
opposition to Eckius, who lost no time in rejoining. 



Seckend. p. 72. 



YEAR 1519. 



127 



Carolostad again took up the pen, but both parties 
soon became eager to relinquish this indecisive 
mode of warfare for a more conspicuous exhibition 
by public disputation. The city of Leipsic was 
chosen as the place of meeting, and thither each 
party repaired with their friends on the appointed 
day, 27th June. Luther was now persuaded to de- 
viate from his former humility, and no longer entered 
the scene of discussion alone and on foot. His 
cause had grown in importance, and his friends had 
multiplied. It was determined therefore that their 
entrance into Leipsic should be made with con- 
siderable eclat. Carolostad led the procession, 
seated alone in a chariot; Bernim, prince of Pome- 
rania. a student at the university of Wittemberg and 
its honorary rector, followed, accompanied by 
Luther and Melancthon ; while a number of the stu- 
dents, zealous in Luther's cause, and wearing 
armour, according to the fashion of the day, 
brought up the rear. An unlucky accident to 
Carolostad's carriage, the breaking of a wheel as he 
passed St. Paul's church, afforded matter of ex- 
ultation to his superstitious opponents. The disputa- 
tion was conducted in the presence of George, duke 
of Saxony, who, however, took occasion to with- 
draw at what he thought a fit opportunity of 
throwing odium on Luther's cause. There were 
present, likewise, the members of the duke's 
council, the magistrates of Leipsic, the doctors and 
bachelors of the university, along with a number 
of persons from the city and adjacent country, 
among whom the theses had been dispersed. The 
greatest formality was observed. Scribes were ap- 
pointed to take notes of the debate, and the intro- 



128 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



ductory oration was delivered by a literary man, 
named Moselanus, who afterwards gave an account 
of the disputation. 

Eckius, though hardly thirty years of age, had 
acquired fame by his disputations in no fewer than 
eight universities. Carolostad was less accustomed 
to rapidity of debate, but amply provided with notes 
and references to authorities. He had brought 
along with him a carriage loaded with books, and 
referred, during the disputation, to one volume 
after the other with indefatigable perseverance. 
The subjects, however, were unprofitable, the ab- 
struse doctrine of the freedom of the will being the 
principal point of debate and involving the dis- 
putants in the endless subtleties of the schoolmen. 
A whole week was lost in these incomprehensible 
arguments, and Malancthon, who was a hearer, 
declared that it first gave him a practical demon- 
stration of what the ancients understood by " so- 
phistry." Carolostad excited respect both by his 
zeal and erudition, but his antagonist was superior 
in ease of elocution. Eckius maintained that he 
had brought over his opponent to his sentiments ; 
for that Carolostad believed in the same doctrine, 
though he rejected the authority of the Scotists and 
Thomists. The fact was that Eckius was tired of 
the debate with Carolostad, and eager to enter the 
lists with a more conspicuous antagonist. " Before 
the disputation had begun at all, he came up to me," 
says Luther, "with a familiar air, and said that he had 
heard that 1 declined to come forward as a debater." 
To this, I answered, " How can I take a share in 
the debate, since I am unable to procure a pro- 
tection from duke George ? He has permitted me 



YEAR 1519. 



129 



to enter Leipsic as a spectator only." On this, 
Eckius said, " It was on jour account I came 
hither ; if I am not permitted to argue with you, I 
will not with Carolostad. If I succeed in obtain- 
ing a protection for you, will you then dispute with 
me ?" I made answer, " Procure it and I will." 
Eckius on this withdrew and obtained the desired 
protection.* 

The contest between these distinguished com- 
batants began on 4th July at an early hour. Luther 
had published thirteen propositions to be defended 
by him, and Eckius had published thirteen others in 
direct opposition. These related chiefly to the doc- 
trine of Indulgences, of repentance, of purgatory, 
but, above all, to the pope's prerogative, as supreme 
head of the church. The last was selected to begin 
the debate, on account either of its superior in- 
terest, or, as has been suspected, through the art of 
Eckius, who aimed at gaining favour by vindicating 
the claims of the pontiff— in this the point of all 
others dearest to Romish prejudice. It had the 
effect likewise of placing Luther on very delicate 
ground. Both parties acknowledged the pope as 
universal bishop, but on what foundation ? Eckius 
affirmed that he derived his rank from divine 
authority : Luther boldly advanced that it arose 
only from human institutions. Eckius was very 
sententious in argument, and appealed to the 
authority of the Fathers : Luther here found him- 
self at home, subjected the passages quoted to a 
rigid scrutiny, and maintained that they were too 
vague to establish the question of divine right. 



* Luth. Praef. 

R 



130 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Five days were devoted to this part of the contro- 
versy, and the disputants continuing as wide of 
each other as at the outset, it was mutually agreed 
to quit the subject and discuss the doctrine of pur- 
gatory. The defence of Indulgences, the primary 
source of all this warfare, was now abandoned and 
ridiculed even by Eckius. Finally the doctrine of 
repentance was agitated and the disputation ended 
on the 15th July. 

The best account of this celebrated debate is 
given by Melancthon. The disputants, he says, 
were often apt to fall into extraneous discussion, but 
were entitled, on the whole, to great praise. Caro- 
lostad was distinguished by ardour and perse- 
verance ; Eckius by the variety and prompt appli- 
cation of his arguments ; while Luther gave equal 
proofs of vivacity, learning, and zeal. When the 
disputation was concluded, John Langius of Lem- 
berg delivered an oration, ascribing considerable 
merit to Luther and Carolostad, but discovering an 
evident partiality to Eckius. It was necessary that 
a decision on the subjects in dispute should be given 
by some competent authority, and a reference was 
made by common consent to the universities of 
Paris and Erfurt, Luther taking the precaution to 
reserve an ultimate appeal to a general council. The 
members of the university of Leipsic had seen too 
much of the interest taken by their students in 
Luther's cause, to venture on giving a decision. The 
young men had listened to him with eager attention 
and many of them now left their seminary and 
repaired to Wittemberg.* 



* Seckend. p. 92. See Appendix W. 



YEAR 1519. 



131 



Whatever moderation Eckius discovered in the 
course of the disputation, appears to have forsaken 
him immediately after it. Whether disappointed 
at the indecisive issue of the debate, or irritated by 
Luther's vehemence, he wrote, so early as the 23d 
July, to the elector Frederick, insisting that Lu- 
ther's book should be burned. Fresh fuel was 
added to his flame, a few days after, by the dis- 
covery, some how or other, of the contents of a 
letter from Melancthon to Ocolampadius, which de- 
scribed the disputation, without allowing Eckius the 
share of praise to which he thought himself en- 
titled. This brought forth an angry letter from the 
impatient disputant to Melancthon, whom he treated 
as a mere grammarian, unfit to form an opinion on a 
theological point. Melancthon returned an answer, 
which, along with the various pieces relative to this 
disputation, is inserted in Luther's works. 

To the intemperate letter addressed to the elector 
Frederick, that prince, with his usual caution, re- 
turned a civil but general answer. Eckius now lost 
all patience, and, in a subsequent letter, poured 
a torrent of abuse on the character and doctrines of 
Luther. The Reformer retaliated with his accus- 
tomed spirit, alleging, in exulting language, that 
Eckius had been found inferior in argument to 
Carolostad. Nothing however was more mortifying 
to Eckius than a satirical pamphlet printed under the 
humble title of an "Answer by the unlearned 
Lutheran Canons."* It was published anonymously, 
but was afterwards acknowledged by Ocolampadius. 

* " Responsio indoctorum Canonicorum Lutheranorum." 



1M THE LIFE Of LUTHER, 



At the same time the professor of canon law at 
Leipsic, whose name was Jerome Emser, took up 
the pen against Luther, and assailed him with much 
asperity. The Reformer lost no time in giving a 
reply and in retorting his adversary's invective with 
redoubled vehemence. 

It remains to mention the opinions pronounced 
on these subjects by the universities. Cologne and 
Louvain, being entirely subservient to the court of 
Rome, decided against Luther in the course of a 
few months. But the Parisian doctors gave no 
opinion till 1521 ; when, without taking notice of 
the Leipsic disputation, they extracted some theses 
from Luther's books and passed a formal censure on 
them.* 

The effect of this celebrated disputation was to 
widen greatly the breach between the church and 
Luther, and to give an additional range to the 
flame of his opposition. The bishop of Mersburg, 
apprehending this result, had endeavoured to pre- 
vent the disputation, and had affixed an interdict of 
it on the doors of the church where it was to take 
place. But duke George, confident of the success 
of his Catholic champion, made the senate order 
the paper to be torn down and the man who had 
affixed it to be put in prison. It was in a similar 
expectation of victory to Eckius, that duke George 
relaxed so far from his original intention as to let 
Luther come forward as a disputant. The churches 
of the city, however, were shut against the Re- 
former as a preacher, and it was with much dif- 

* Luth. ii. 36, 37. Seckend. p. 93. 



YEAR 1519. 



133 



ficulty that Bernim, prince of Pomerania, got 
leave for Luther to do duty before a limited 
audience in the castle. Luther gladly ascended the 
pulpit and the discourse which he delivered bore the 
marks of his usual animation. Instead of accom- 
modating himself to the feelings of duke George 
and his court, he enlarged, with great energy, on 
his own favourite doctrines, and gave unpardonable 
offence to the bigots around him. He has inserted 
an abstract of this sermon in his works,* and it is 
to it, along with the doubts which he ventured to 
express of the justice of the decrees against Huss 
by the council of Constance, that he in a great 
measure ascribes his final rupture with the pope. 
His diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg, now lost 
all hope of reclaiming him to the church, and 
duke George was mortified beyond measure at the 
failure of a disputation from which he and Eckius 
had expected so much. The duke was a weak man 
and easily blinded by those about him. He had no 
turn for free inquiry or even for scholastic erudition. 
The long disputation about the pope had completely 
tired him, and he broke it off by a remark which, in 
his opinion, was quite conclusive, " Be his right di- 
vine, or be it human, he is still pope of Rome." 

Luther had now leisure for farther publications, 
and printed, in September this year, his commentary 
on the epistle to the Galatians. It is said to have 
been prepared for the press from notes taken by 



* Vol. i. p. 292, 



134 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



the hearers of his discourses on that epistle. When 
shown to Luther, he was struck with their accu- 
racy and consented to their publication. In this 
work he continued to speak respectfully of the pope, 
though in the succeeding editions he changed his 
tone. None of St. Paul's epistles require more 
patient examination than that to the Galatians. 
The ambiguity and frequent recurrence of the word 
" law" and the allegory in the fourth chapter, have 
a considerable tendency to perplex the inquirer. 
In those days hardly any thing like rational criti- 
cism had been applied to the sacred canon, and the 
reader, who expects in Luther's commentary a 
critical exposition of the epistles, cannot fail to be 
disappointed. The Reformer, at all times too eager 
to arrive at a conclusion, wrote this work with a 
view to the refutation of certain tenets of the 
Catholics, so that after an illustration of the doc- 
trine of justification by faith, we find him chiefly 
occupied with exposing the ignorance and unprin- 
cipled habits of the ecclesiastics. Its store of 
practical remark has given it a kind of. permanent 
popularity, and Luther himself, when living after- 
wards in the greatest conjugal happiness, looked 
back with predilection to this early effort, and used 
to say of it, in reference to his wife's name, 
Epistola ad Galatas est mea Epistola, cui me des~ 
pondi ; est mea Catharina de Bora.* 

Amidst all his avocations Luther found leisure to 
write a little work for the comfort of the sick, 
which he entitled "Tessaradeca Consolatoria pro 
laborantibus et oneratis" The immediate occasion 



* Seckend. p. 134. 139. 



YEAR 1519. 



135 



of its composition was an indisposition of the 
elector Frederick. It is a curious production, and 
contains evidence of that contemplative turn of 
mind which was all along conspicuous in Luther. 
To bring relief to the mind of his patron, he ex- 
hibits a picture of the situation of mankind as it is 
affected by the unpleasant circumstances inherent in 
our present depraved state. He next takes a com- 
prehensive survey of the various evils attendant on 
our condition, dividing them rather whimsically, 
into those which are " future or before us ; past 
or behind us; above or below us;" and finally 
" on our right and left." In the latter part of the 
treatise, he endeavours to supply antidotes for this 
long catalogue of misfortunes. The work contains 
a number of ingenious observations, mixed, it 
must be confessed with remarks indicative of 
Luther's peculiarities and ardour. A very compe- 
tent judge, (Erasmus,) makes an explicit acknow- 
ledgment of its piety and merit.* 

It was towards the end of this year that Luther 
began to express without reserve his dissent from 
the church of Rome on the subject of the sacra- 
ment. His ideas on this head were never very 
clear ; and were productive, as we shall find in the 
sequel, of disputes between him and other eminent 
reformers. He, as well as the followers of the 
church of Rome, were no doubt misled by the 
words of the institution, which they took in a literal 
instead of a figurative sense. Luther saw, in part, 
the fallacy of the Catholic doctrine, but he went 

# In the year 1523 Erasmus wrote, in regard to this treatise .* 
(t Mitto Hbellum qui magnopere probatus est." 



136 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



no farther than to supply its place by the theory of 
" consubstantiation," which is still less consistent 
than the kindred notion of " transubstantiation." 
This vision he had adopted at an early period of 
life, and adhered pertinaciously to it throughout his 
career. His predilection to this theory, must, like 
that of the Romanists to their's, he ascribed in a 
great measure to the attachment so frequently ap- 
parent in the mind to what it does not understand. 
Luther had very little assistance in his studies, and 
the age in which he lived was not sufficiently im- 
pressed with the simplicity of the real doctrines of 
the Gospel to regard the bread and wine in the com- 
munion as plain bread and plain wine. The church 
of Rome, desirous to exalt the priesthood above 
the laity, affected to consider the former as mem- 
bers of a distinct society. Accordingly in their 
sacrament the wine is not distributed to the laity, 
and the boldness of the Bohemian schismatics in 
deviating completely from this distinction, appeared 
to Luther to be going a step too far. This and 
some other unlucky differences lessened consider- 
ably the connection between him and that perse- 
cuted people; and his work on the Galatians, 
which we have just mentioned, contains abundant 
proof of his hostility to this part of their tenets. 

At the close of this year (27th December) the 
elector Frederick received from his cousin, duke 
George, a letter intreating him to discourage and 
oppose Luther. Matters were however now so far 
altered that the title of Doctor et vir celeberrimus 
was granted to Luther even by an enemy. The 
duke enlarged on Luther's presumption in always 



YEAR 1519. 



137 



printing his discourses, as if no one were capable of 
instructing mankind but himself. Desirous of con- 
necting Luther with the odious names of Huss and 
Jerome, the duke warned his cousin lest Luther, 
from being professor of divinity at Wittemberg, 
should become heresiarch of Prague. More than six 
thousand persons in Bohemia had, he understood, 
received the communion in both elements after the 
publication of Luther's sermon on the sacrament. 
The elector returned an immediate answer to the 
duke's letter, and stated that he never had and never 
intended to constitute himself the defender of what 
Luther had published ; that he studiously avoided 
taking any part in the controversy, and accordingly 
did not pretend to form a judgment on the publica- 
tion on the sacrament which had called forth his 
cousin's letter. He made, however, the important 
addition that he had heard it praised by several per- 
sons whom he deemed competent judges and good 
Christians— a pretty significant declaration of his de- 
termination to protect the Reformer. 

Luther's occupations had now increased so much 
that we find him, in his letters to Spalatin, com- 
plaining greatly of their multiplicity. In addition to 
his routine of duty as an Augustinian, and to his 
labour in teaching, his correspondence was wonder- 
fully extended, and the demand on his conversation, 
by friend and stranger, formed a very serious tax on 
his time. 

It was in the course of this year that Tetzel died, 
leaving a memory equally odious to both parties. 

S 



138 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



CHAPTER VI. 



YEAR 1520. 



THE year 1520 was no less remarkable than the 
preceding for a display of Luther's activity. Scarcely 
was it begun when he published in German a pam- 
phlet on the sacrament. About the same time he 
ventured to address a letter, in defence of the new 
doctrine, to the young emperor Charles V. That 
prince was under great obligations to Frederick, and 
Luther, who, like others, was as yet a stranger to 
his cold, calculating character, entertained hopes 
that the impulse of gratitude might render him to- 
lerant, if not favourable, to the reformed cause. 
He makes in this letter a declaration to the follow- 
ing effect. 

" The violent publications which have taken place 
are to be ascribed to the intemperance of my 
enemies. My object has been to circulate nothing 
but evangelical truth in opposition to traditionary 
superstitions. I have called, but in vain, on my 
adversaries to point out in what respect my opinions 
are erroneous. I now find it necessary, after the 
example of Athanasius, to invoke the protection of 
the Imperial majesty, but I desire it no longer than 
until my arguments have received a fair hearing, 
after which I shall either conquer or be conquered." 

A few days after, Luther gave to the world, in the 



YEAR 1520. 



shape of a protestation, or open declaration of his 
tenets, a repetition of what he had written to the 
emperor. This was speedily followed by a letter, 
dated February 4, and addressed to Albert, archbi- 
shop of Mentz. It was expressed in terms equally 
respectful and submissive as the letter to the em- 
peror ; but, being directed to an ecclesiastic, it con- 
tained a fuller statement of the theological discus- 
sion. Imputing the hostility displayed against him, 
in a great measure, to persons who had never read 
his writings, Luther entreated the archbishop to 
take the trouble of perusing them. The prelate's 
reply was expressed in a style of greater attention 
than might have been expected from a personage so 
completely devoted to the court of Rome. It was 
addressed U Honor abili et religioso nobis in Christo 
dilecto, Martino Luther o, Theologies Prqfessori."* 
The sequel, short as it was, bore the mark of coming 
from a practised politician. The archbishop avoided 
any discussion of Luther's works, by declaring 
that he had not had leisure to peruse them ; and 
accordingly would not attempt to censure them, 
but leave that to his superiors who had already un- 
dertaken the task. He inculcated strongly the pro- 
priety of moderation, and, whilst he saw no harm in 
learned men indulging in speculations on contro- 
verted points, he conceived that such discussions 
might be injurious to the multitude. 

Luther's object in these letters was to show that 
his sentiments were less violent than report had 
stated them. On the day of writing to the archbi- 



* Luth. ii, 46. 



140 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



shop of Mentz, he addressed the bishop of Mersburg 
on the same subject, but in a style of greater free- 
dom. The reply likewise contained a much more 
direct reproof than had been administered to him by 
the archbishop of Mentz. He paid Luther, how- 
ever, the compliment of styling him " venerable 
brother, 55 and promised to give his observations at 
more length when they should happen to meet. The 
caution shown by both prelates sufficiently indicates 
that Luther's cause had acquired too much popu- 
larity to make open contradiction advisable. 

We now return to Miltitz, who had, in the be- 
ginning of the preceding year, made a favourable 
outset in the negociation with Luther. Since then 
he had had the mortification of seeing his measures 
arrested in their progress by the impatience of others, 
and Luther rendered much less tractable by the po- 
pularity of his publications. Miltitz, however, was 
still desirous of doing all he could to prevent matters 
from going farther wrong.* But it was an arduous 
task to give a satisfactory direction to so many indi- 
viduals opposite in temper and actuated by contrary 
motives. The letters of Miltitz are still extant in 
the library of Saxe-Gotha, and, if they create no 
favourable impression of his candour, they show 
that the temperate conduct which he desired to 
pursue was much more likely to prove successful 
than that which was adopted by others. f 

After various conferences of less importance, Mil- 
titz determined to make a vigorous effort to prevail 

* See Appendix X. 

t Seckendorff has preserved them and has inserted their sub- 
stance in pp. 98, 99, of his work. 



YEAR 1520. 



on Luther to express by letter his esteem (for the 
pope, and beseech his Holiness to interfere according 
to his wonted goodness. With this view lie pre- 
vailed on the Augustinians to send a deputation to 
Luther with a request to that effect. Luthe* pro- 
mised to comply and to prefix the desired letter to 
his next publication. This produced the famous 
address to the pope published along with his treatise 
on 44 Christian Liberty." It is so remarkable as to 
have a claim on the particular attention of all who 
analyze the progressive changes in the Reformer's 
conduct. Its chief object appears to have been an 
exemption of the pope personally from the charges 
made by Luther against the church of Rome, feuch, 
no doubt, was the desire of Miltitz and the Augus- 
tinians, and such, it is probable, was Luther's in- 
tention in beginning to write the letter. But he 
seems to have become so warmed with his subject, 
as to devote himself much more keenly to the accu- 
sation of the church than to the vindication of/ its 
head. His letter is in substance as follows. 

44 It is impossible for me to be unmindful of your 
Holiness, since my sentiments concerning the papal 
office are held forth every where as the chief cause 
of continuing the contevSt. By means of the impi- 
ous flatterers of your Holiness, who, without cause, 
are full of wrath against me, I have been compelled 
to appeal from the See of Rome to a general Council. 
But my affection for your Holiness has never been 
alienated, though I begin to despise and to triumph 
over those who have sought to terrify me. by the 
majesty of your authority. One thing, however, I 
cannot despise, and that is the cause of my writing 

! 



142 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



this letter ; I mean the blame thrown on me for re- 
flecting on jour Holiness personally." 

To this charge he gives an explicit contradiction, 
and panegyrizes Leo strongly, comparing him to 
Daniel in Babylon and to Ezekiel among scorpions. 
" 1 have," he adds, " inveighed sharply against un- 
christian doctrines, and reproved my adversaries se- 
verely, not for rudeness but for impiety. So far 
from being ashamed of this, my purpose is to de- 
spise the judgment of men and to persevere in this 
vehemence of zeal after the example of Christ, who 
called his opponents a generation of vipers, blind 
hypocrites, and children of the devil. The multi- 
tude of flatterers has rendered the ears of our age so 
delicate that as soon as we find that our sentiments 
are not approved, we immediately exclaim that we 
are slandered ; and, when we find ourselves unable 
to resist truth, we accuse our adversaries of detrac- 
tion, impatience, and impudence. But let me ask, 
of what use would salt be if it were not pungent ? 
or the point of a sword if it did not wound ? Cursed 
is the man who doth the work of the Lord deceit- 
fully." 

After assuring the pontiff that he never harboured 
any malice against him, and that he would y ield in 
any thing except the word of truth, which he would 
neither desert nor deny, he adds, in emphatic lan- 
guage, 

" 1 have resisted and shall continue to resist what 
is called the court of Rome as long as the spirit of 
faith shall live in me. Neither your Holiness nor 
any one will deny that it is more corrupt than Ba- 
bylon or Sodom, and sunk, as far as I understand, 



YEAR 1520. 



143 



in the most deplorable, desperate, and avowed im- 
piety. I lament that under the sanction of your 
name and under pretext of the good of the church, 
the people of Christ should be made a laughing 
stock. Not that I attempt impossibilities, or expect 
that the endeavours of an individual can accomplish 
any thing in opposition to so many flatterers in that 
Babylon replete with confusion. But I consider 
myself as a debtor to my fellow men, for whose 
welfare it behoves me to be solicitous, so that those 
pests of Rome may destroy a smaller number and 
in a more humane manner. During many years 
nothing has been poured on the world but monsters 
both in body and mind, along with the worst ex- 
amples of all worst actions. It is clear as day that 
the church of Rome, in former ages the most holy 
of churches, has now become a den of robbers, a 
scene of prostitution, the kingdom of sin, death, 
and hell, so that greater wickedness is not to be con- 
ceived even under Antichrist himself. Your Holi- 
ness sitteth like a lamb in the midst of wolves. 
What opposition is it possible that you, with your 
very learned and excellent cardinals, can make to 
such monsters ?" 

After this extraordinary description, Luther pro- 
ceeded to relate his successive transactions with 
Cajetan, Eckius, and Miltitz. He entreated Leo 
to exert his authority in checking those flatterers 
who were the enemies of peace, and declared that 
the attempt to make him recant could not fail to in- 
crease the present confusion, for he would never 
consent that any one should lay down a law for the 
interpretation of the word of God. " On the two 



144 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



conditions of not requiring me to recant, and of per- 
mitting me to interpret Scripture according to my 
own judgment, I am willing to do or to suffer any 
thing : I wish to provoke no one ; neither do I wish 
to receive provocation ; but if provocation be given 
me, since Christ is my master, I will not be 
silent. "* 

A letter expressed in this unexampled style could 
not fail to give the highest offence at Rome. That 
offence was little alleviated by Luther's distinction 
between the pope personally and those who sur- 
rounded him. For many ages no other language 
had been addressed to Rome but that of the most 
profound respect. Examples had occurred of indi- 
vidual ecclesiastics becoming refractory, but they 
were soon crushed by the powerful arm of the 
church. While the greatest princes were in the 
habit of observing the most respectful tone in their 
communications with the holy See, such licence on 
the part of an individual was not likely to be par- 
doned. Here, instead of a recantation, was a re- 
petition and re-assertion of all that had already been 
declared most offensive. No wonder, therefore, that 
even the more moderate members of the Romish 
communion should look on this letter as a mockery 
of the pontiff. To an unprejudiced reader, it is 
chiefly remarkable as presenting a curious example 
of Luther's disregard of the customary rules of civi- 
lity, and an evidence of the all-powerful influence 
of truth on his mind. This and this alone appears 
to have actuated him, and to have prompted him to 



Luth. L. ii. 1. et seq. Sleid. L. ii. 



YEAR 1520. 



145 



go to lengths which every consideration of interest, 
and even of safety, would have forbidden. 

It is not a little extraordinary that Miltitz should 
have consented to transmit such a letter to Rome. 
On the accompanying treatise on " Christian Li- 
berty," Luther remarks to the pope : " This small 
tract published under your name, as an omen of ap- 
proaching harmony, I send you by way of specimen 
of the kind of study in which I would by preference 
employ my time, were I left in quiet by those pro- 
fane flatterers of yours." The essay is divided into 
two parts, the first containing an illustration of the 
proposition, that the " Christian is the most free 
lord of all, subject to none ;" and the second, " that 
he is the most ready to oblige all and subject to all." 
Nothing in the work has a relation to civil liberty ; 
it is strictly a description of the privileges annexed, 
in Luther's opinion, to the station of a Christian, 
and of the practical effects which these privileges 
naturally and necessarily produce. It may be fit to 
mention that there is a remarkable coincidence be- 
tween this little tract and the writings of the English 
puritanical divines.* 

It is now time to relate the hostile measures which 
Luther's undaunted perseverance drew on him on 
the part of the church of Rome. It was matter of 
surprise that they should have been so long delayed, 
but Leo, though without just pretensions to the 
virtues ascribed to him, was not of a hasty temper, 
and was, as has been already mentioned, afraid of 
offending Frederick. At last, however, the solici- 



* See Appendix Y. 

T 



146 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



tations for the adoption of a decisive step came from 
so many quarters, and Luther himself discovered 
such bold pertinacity in issuing one hostile publica- 
tion after another, that Leo felt it necessary to alter 
his course. The Dominicans, and particularly 
Eckius, were active in accelerating this determina- 
tion. The language of Eckius was wonderfully 
changed from the time when he invited Carolostad 
and Luther to that disputation which he expected 
would be to him a scene of triumph. In writing to 
the former on that occasion, he had called Luther 
their "mutual friend;" but from the date of their 
vehement contest, he became his inveterate enemy. 
On Luther's part the animosity was equally strong, 
for in writing to a friend about Eckius, he exclaimed, 
" Tottis infidus est, et aperte rupit amicitice jura."* 
Leo's first act was to appoint a congregation or 
assembly of cardinals, prelates, theologians, and 
canonists, to whom he remitted the whole manage- 
ment of Luther's affair. All were agreed on the 
necessity of directing the thunder of the Vatican 
against the new heresy ; but the peculiar feelings of 
the different classes composing the assembly led to 
violent disputes in regard to the mode of proceeding. 
The theologians proposed to lose no time in denounc- 
ing Luther's doctrines, the impiety of which, they 
said, was glaring, and acknowledged to the world : 
the canonists r on the other hand, maintained that 
no notoriety of crime could deprive any one of the 
inherent right of being heard in his defence. After 
long debates it was agreed to divide the cause into 



* Seckend. p. 93. 



YEAR 1520. 



147 



three parts ; the doctrine, the books, and the per- 
son. The doctrine, it was determined, should be 
condemned, the books burned at a time to be fixed, 
and Luther summoned to appear after a suitable in- 
terval. 

The composition of the bull gave rise to almost 
as much debate as the preliminary discussions. The 
members of the conclave rivalled each other in ex- 
pressing abhorrence of the new doctrine and attach- 
ment to the hoi j See. Cajetan, though in bad 
health, made himself be carried into the consistory, 
and a bitter contention arose betwen Peter Accolti, 
cardinal of Ancona, and Laurent Pucci, cardinal 
datary,* about the honour of composing the mani- 
festo against Luther. Each had prepared a draught, 
and was eager for the preference. Nothing less than 
the pontiff's authority could settle this competition, 
and the draught of Accolti, after undergoing several 
emendations, was preferred. 

The bull at last came out on June 15, and set 
forth the papal pretensions in the loftiest tone. After 
affirming that the Imperial crown had been trans- 
ferred by the papal See from the Greeks to the Ger- 
mans, it claims a power not only of inflicting eccle- 
siastical punishments, but of depriving refractory 
persons of their property and civil privileges. The 
extravagant bulls of Pius II. and Julius II. which 
declared it heresy to appeal from the pope to a Coun- 
cil, are cited and made a ground for Luther's con- 

* The datary is an high officer in the Roman chancery, through 
whose hands most of the appointments to the vacant benefices 
pass. This was the same Pucci who advised Leo to have recourse 
to the sale of Indulgences. 



143 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



demnation. He is compared to Porphyry, the no- 
torious enemy of Christianity, and is spoken of as 
the reviver of the Greek and Bohemian schisms. 
Forty-one heresies are selected from his works and 
condemned as " pernicious, scandalous, and pesti- 
lential." Luther, and all who may favour his opi- 
nions, are made the object of the most violent de- 
nunciations. They are incapacitated from perform- 
ing any legal act, and declared guilty of high trea- 
son, infamous, and unworthy of Christian burial. 
Luther is reproached for obstinately disregarding 
the admonitions and kindness of the pope; and that 
all remembrance of him may be obliterated from the 
society of the faithful, no one is to presume to read, 
preach, or publish his works. Such as are written 
are to be condemned to the flames, and such as he 
may hereafter write are to be received with the 
greatest suspicion. He is ordered to appear at Rome 
within sixty days to take his trial, and in case he 
should not obey the summons, the civil and eccle- 
siastical powers are commanded to seize him and 
his adherents and send them to Rome. 

Here, at length, was the edict so long delayed from 
dread of the elector Frederick. The next point was 
to communicate it to that prince in the least offensive 
manner. With this view, the papal court deter- 
mined to avail itself of the following circumstance, 
although apparently ill calculated to forward conci- 
liation. One of the elector's agents, named Valentin 
Teutleben, being employed to transact some busi- 
ness for him at Rome, experienced a degree of re- 
luctance on the part of the pope, which, as he wrote 
to his master, was to be ascribed to the circumstance 



YEAR 1520. 



149 



of his defending Luther. Frederick lost no time in 
replying to his agent, and denied " that he had ever 
undertaken the defence of Luther's opinions, Luther 
being prepared to defend them himself before equi- 
table judges, and ready, if refuted from Scripture, 
to recant. Luther," he added, " had offered to leave 
Saxony, and would have done so before that time, 
had not Miltitz interceded that he might not be sent 
away, lest he should go where he could write and 
act with greater freedom. To attempt the forcible 
suppression of Luther's opinions, or to cut him off 
by the exertion of ecclesiastical power, would be 
imprudent and dangerous. Measures of that descrip- 
tion were not fit in the improved state of public 
knowledge, nor was the strong hold which the Lu- 
theran doctrine had taken in Germany, to be set 
aside by any thing else than sound argument." 

This letter was communicated to the pope's mi- 
nister, and gave occasion to an immediate address to 
Frederick. With the ordinary art of the court of 
Rome, their dispatch proceeded on the assumption 
that Frederick was, in his heart, an enemy to Luther. 
It was written in Leo's name, and was in substance 
as follows : 

" I experience great satisfaction on learning that 
you have no connection with Luther, who is altoge- 
ther impious. I have on former occasions uniformly 
entertained a high opinion of your virtue, and your 
conduct at present fully confirms it. Luther has 
been introduced into the world, not by Christ but 
by Satan, that he might revive the heresies of Wick- 
liffe, Huss, and the Bohemians; and that, by false 
interpretations of Scripture, he might give occasion 



150 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



of sinning to the simple. There is danger lest he 
should set continence at defiance, do away confes- 
sion and penitence, favour the infidels by impure 
speeches, overturn the discipline of the church, and 
confound all things, sacred and profane. To such 
a pitch of pride and madness has Luther proceeded, 
that he despises the authority of Councils and of the 
holy See, preferring audaciously his own opinion 
to that of all others. In avoiding intercourse with 
such a pest, your Highness has acted a part worthy 
of your ancestors : and 1 give thanks to God for en- 
dowing you with such a disposition. Hitherto I 
have borne with Luther's forwardness and rashness, 
in the hope that he would return to his right mind. 
But now, seeing that heprofiteth nothing by admoni- 
tion and gentleness, I have been compelled to ap- 
ply a violent remedy, lest he should corrupt many by 
the contagion of his example. Having therefore 
called a Council, and. deeply weighed the question, 
it has been decreed by direction of the Holy Spirit, 
which on these occasions is never absent from the 
holy See,* to issue a bull in condemnation of Lu- 
ther's heresy. Of that instrument a copy is here- 
with transmitted you." 

The alarm which these hostile measures might 
have excited in Luther was opportunely counteracted 
by a very satisfactory testimony of attachment in a 
different quarter. Shortly before the publication of 
the bull, two German noblemen, Sylvester von 

* " Convocato concilio, re multum agitata atque discussa tan- 
dem praeeunte Spiritu Sancto, qui in hujusmodi causis huic sanctte 
sedi nunquam abfuit," &c. Luth. ii. 50. 



YEAR 1520. 



151 



Schaumburg, and Francis Seckingen, came forward 
and wrote to him with offers of protection against 
all personal hazard. The letter of the former, in 
particular, deserves to be recorded : 

" I understand," he said, " from several learned 
men, that your doctrine is founded on the Scrip- 
tures ; and that although you have offered to submit 
it to the decision of a general Council and to the 
judgment of pious and well informed men, you have 
reason to apprehend personal danger. You propose 
therefore to seek a refuge among the Bohemians. 
That plan I would earnestly entreat you to abandon, 
lest the nature of the connection should have the 
consequence of rendering your cause suspected and 
odious. I offer you my own protection and that of 
one hundred noblemen in Franconia, with whom 
you can live in safety until your doctrine has under- 
gone a deliberate investigation."* 

So clear a testimony of approbation could not fail 
to be highly acceptable to Luther, and we accord- 
ingly find him writing to his friend Spalatin, (July 
10), that "his expulsion from Wittemberg would 
only make the state of things worse, for not only in 
Bohemia, but in the very heart of Germany, there 
were persons both able and willing to defend him. 
Nor was it doubtful that, under their protection, he 
could animadvert on the papacy with more severity 
than when he held the responsible ofifice of a public 
teacher under the elector of Saxony. He had long 
been doubtful how far Frederick would find it expe- 
dient to continue his protection, a consideration 



* Seckend. p. 111. 



152 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



which, joined to a regard for the interests of the 
university of Wittemberg, had hitherto prevented 
him from going so far as he otherwise would. But 
now, were Frederick even obliged to withdraw his 
protection, the support of others would enable him 
to proceed in his career." " The die," he adds, "is 
cast, and I despise equally the fury and favour of 
Rome.— Never will I be reconciled or connected 
with them. Let them condemn and burn my books. 
— I, in my turn, so long as I can procure fire, will 
condemn and burn publicly the whole pontifical 
code." It appears that on the 28d of August he 
wrote to Rome, and ventured to use expressions of 
correspondent energy.* 

Luther's friends, however, were less tranquil than 
himself. They prevailed on him to write to Spalatin, 
and to request him to use his interest with the elector 
to apply for an Imperial edict to prevent any one 
from condemning him unless it was previously 
shown that his tenets were inconsistent with Scrip- 
ture. In this letter Luther, always more interested 
about his doctrine than his personal safety, com- 
plained, in an earnest and affecting manner, of the 
endless libels published against him, and expressed 
an ardent wish that preachers might be found to 
promulgate his real sentiments among the people. 

Amidst all the alternations of fear and hope, 
Luther's active mind never gave way to sullen de- 
spondency or indolence. Application to study, as it 
had formed his chief pleasure in his early days, now 
constituted his best resource in a season of alarm. 



* Seckend. p. 111. 



YEAR 1520. 



153 „ 



His next production was a book of a miscellaneous 
character, which he addressed to the emperor Charles 
V. and to the nobility of the empire. It was directed, 
among other topics, to a reproof of the vices of the 
clergy, and to a recommendation of the study of 
Scripture, of divinity, and other subjects lately in- 
troduced into universities. He reprobated prema- 
ture monastic vows, and animadverted on confession 
and on the disgraceful custom of begging, whether 
practised by monks or laymen. No one, he said, 
should be admitted into a monastery before the age 
of thirty. But the most serious part of the work 
consisted in an attack on the usurpations of the pa- 
pacy, and in an insinuation that Rome was the seat 
of Antichrist. 

Luther's next publication was his celebrated essay 
"De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesise." He here 
examined into the nature and use of the sacraments, 
which, as is well known, are, according to the Ro- 
manists, seven in number. From this enumeration 
Luther dissented, and denied the name of sacrament 
to confirmation, holy orders, marriage, or extreme 
unction. But he continued to include penance in 
the list, as well as baptism and the Lord's supper 
In this, as in others of his writings, we have many 
vestiges of the impression made on his reasoning 
habits by the rules of the schoolmen. Instead of 
proceeding after the inductive method, to examine 
what the Scriptures had delivered respecting sacra- 
ments, he went on the plan of accommodating the 
passages in Scripture to a system previously adopted. 
This treatise was first published in Latin, but the 
general interest which it excited, made it soon be 
translated into German. 

U 



154 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



That progressive advance in knowledge which 
every studious man experiences in himself, is very 
clearly exhibited in the writings of Luther. No 
man was less scrupulous in publishing his latest opi- 
nions, however they might vary from former im- 
pressions. The repeated attacks of his opponents 
obliged him, he said, to grow wiser in self defence. 
In the preamble to the " Babylonish Captivity," he 
requests booksellers and others possessed of copies 
of what he had published two years before on In- 
dulgences, to burn these copies, and to substitute 
for all that he had written, " Indulgentice sunt adu- 
latorum Romanorum nequitice." His publication 
on the nature of the papacy he wished to condemn 
to the same fate, desiring his readers to adopt in lieu 
of his reasonings the concise definition, " Papatus 
est robusta venatio Romani Episcopi for he was 
now certain that the papacy was the kingdom of 
Babylon.* 

An unfortunate misunderstanding took place at 
this time between the students and inhabitants of 
Wittemberg. Matters having proceeded to the 
length of a tumultuous assemblage, Luther was dis- 
satisfied with the students and reproved them in 
very severe terms. The keenness of his censure 
gave them great offence ; and even his friends at 
court, Spalatin and AmsdorfF, (a canon of the colle- 
giate church at Wittemberg,) were apprehensive that 
he had gone too far and might injure the university. 
The dread of hurting that seminary, by the freedom 
of his writings, is enumerated by Luther among the 
many disquietudes of the first three years of his 



* Luth. ii. p. 63. 



YEAR 1520. 



155 



reforming career. Some time after this, Spalatiu 
visited the university with a view, probably, of as- 
certaining both its condition and the intended pro- 
ceedings of Luther after being apprized of the pope's 
bull. Spalatin's report of his visit has been pre- 
served and is curious. 

" A proportion of the students," he says, " are 
absent, but this is chiefly on account of a contagious 
disorder, and the university is still very numerously 
attended. I saw four hundred young men studying 
divinity under Luther ; and no fewer than six hun- 
dred learning the languages under Melancthon. 
Luther continues in good spirits, and is writing 
against the papal bull, but declares that from re- 
spect to the elector he will express himself with mo- 
deration. I saw more than thirty letters addressed 
to Luther from princes, nobles, and doctors, in 
Suabia, Switzerland, and Pomerania, replete with 
expressions of piety and offers of consolation. So 
popular a preacher is he, that both the town church 
of Wittemberg and that of the monastery are too 
small to receive the crowd of his hearers." 

We come now to the important business of pub- 
lishing the bull in Germany. This part of the pro- 
ceedings also was undertaken by Eckius, who hoped 
to make it a kind of finish to his laborious exertions. 
In corresponding with his friends, he had boasted 
much of his services at Rome, and of his repeated 
conferences with the pope, one of which lasted no 
less than five hours. He took to himself the merit 
of being the first to expose Luther's heresy in a 
proper light to the heads of the church, who till 
then had been very imperfectly acquainted with it 



;56 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



So assiduous had he been in accelerating the pro- 
ceedings about the bull, that by the 3d of May 
matters had been got ready for dispatch at the next 
assembly of cardinals. Yet on his return to Ger- 
many, he endeavoured to represent his journey as 
undertaken with reluctance. But Luther, who, by 
some means not known, had got possession of one 
of his letters from Rome, published it with notes, 
and showed that Eckius' grand object, in these ex- 
traordinary exertions, was no other than his own 
preferment in the church.* 

Though the condemning bull was issued from the 
papal chamber on the 15th of June, it was not pub- 
lished in Germany till a considerable time after- 
wards. It appears to have reached Wittemberg in 
the beginning of October, for on the 13th of that 
month Luther wrote to Spalatin as follows : 

" The pope's bull is come at last— Eckius brought 
it. We are writing many things to the pope con- 
cerning it. For my own part I hold it in contempt, 
and attack it as impious and false, like Eckius in 
every respect. Christ himself is evidently con- 
demned by it, and no reason is assigned in it for 
summoning me to a recantation instead of a trial. 
They are full of fury, blindness, and madness. 
They neither comprehend nor reflect on conse- 
quences. Meantime I shall treat the pope's name 
with delicacy, and conduct myself as if I consi- 
dered it a false and forged bull, although I believe 
it to be genuine. How anxiously do I wish that 
the emperor had the courage to prove himself a man, 



# Ep. Eckii. ap. Luth. ii. 48. Seckend. p. 116. 



YEAR 1520. 



157 



and, in defence of Christ, attack those emissaries 
of Satan. For my part I do not regard my personal 
safety — l e t the will of the Lord be done. Nor do 
I know what course should be taken by the elector ; 
perhaps it may appear to him more for my interest 
that he should dissemble for a season. The bull is 
held in as great contempt at Leipsic as Eckius him- 
self. — Let us therefore be cautious lest he acquire 
consequence by our opposition, for, if left to him- 
self, he must fall. I send you a copy of the bull 
that you may see what monsters they are at Rome. 
If these men are destined to rule us, neither the 
faith nor the church have the least security. I re- 
joice that it has fallen to my lot to suffer hardship 
for the best of causes ; but I am not worthy of such 
a trial. I am now much more at liberty than be- 
fore, being fully persuaded that the pope is Anti- 
christ, and that I hav r e discovered the seat of Satan. 
— May God preserve his children from being de- 
ceived by the pope's impious pretensions. Erasmus 
informs me that the emperor's court is crowded with 
creatures who are tyrants and beggars, so that no- 
thing satisfactory is to be expected from Charles. 
This need not surprise us. 4 Put not thy trust in 
princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom there is 
no stay.' " 

Eckius, having left Rome with copies of the bull, 
reached Leipsic, big with expectation of the rever- 
ence that would be paid to himself and to the pope's 
mandate. He found, however, that matters did not 
ao'mit of the rapid progress which he wished. The 
Reformation had now taken a firm and a general 
hold. George, duke of Saxony, bigoted as he was. 



158 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



found it necessary, from the dissatisfaction of the 
people, to delay the publication. At first, time was 
taken on the plea that the consent of the bishop of 
Mersburg must be previously obtained, and on ap- 
plication being made to that prelate, the publication 
was put off to the month of April in the following 
year. A letter written by Miltitz, on 2d October, 
throws some light on these matters. 

" I found Eckius at Leipsic, very clamorous and 
full of threats. 1 invited him to an entertainment 
and employed every means in my power to discover 
what he proposed to do. After he had drank freely, 
he began to relate, in pompous terms, the com- 
mission he had received from Rome, and by what 
means he was to bring Luther to obedience. He 
informed me that he had caused the bull to be pub- 
lished in Misnia on 21st September, at Mersburg 
on the 25th, and at Brandenburg on the 29th. 
Eckius was in the habit of showing the bull with 
great pomp. He lodged with the public commis- 
sary : duke George ordered the senate to present him 
with a gilt cup, and a considerable sum of money. 
But notwithstanding the bull itself, and the pledge 
of public safety given to him, some young men of 
family affixed on 29th September, in no less than 
ten places, bills containing threats against him. 
Terrified by these, he took refuge in the monastery 
of St. Paul and refused to be seen. He complained 
to Caesar Pflugius, and obtained a mandate from the 
rector of the university, enjoining the young men 
to be quiet, but all to no purpose. They have com- 
posed ballads upon him, which they sing through 
the streets ; and send daily to the monastery intima- 



YEAR 1520. 



159 



tions of their hostility. More than one hundred 
and fifty of the Wittemberg students are here, who 
are very much incensed against him."— Miltitz 
afterwards added that Eckius had made a nocturnal 
escape to Friburg.* 

Similar commotions took place in other parts of 
Germany, where attempts were made to publish the 
bull. The elector of Saxony declared it wholly un- 
advisable to attempt its promulgation in his do- 
minions. The bishop of Bamberg availed himself 
of some informality as a pretext for declining to 
publish it in his diocese. At the university of 
Erfurt, the students tore a copy of the bull and 
threw it into the river.f Nay, the rector publicly 
encouraged them to pull down any copy of the bull 
which they might see posted up, and to oppose 
Luther's enemies by all the means in their power, t — 
The elector of Brandenburg and Albert of Mecklen- 
burg passed through Wittemberg, in December, 
on their way to the imperial coronation, and held a 
very gracious conversation with Luther. The bishop 
of Brandenburg who accompanied them, actuated 
by very different feelings, was desirous of pub- 
lishing the bull at Wittemberg, which was in 
his diocese, but durst not attempt it. The clergy 
alone, cemented as they were in interest with the 
Roman See, appeared friendly to the bull, but even 
among them there were many who reprobated its 

* Seckend. p. 116. 

t Scultet. Annal. Evang. 1520. 

| Rector Academiae Erfurtensis programmate publice affixo 
Academicos hortatur, ut si qui Bullam videant affixam, discer- 
pant, et quo possunt modo, Lutheri hostibus se opponant. Scultet. 
Annal. Evang. 1520. 



160 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



violent tone, and who, without venturing to speak 
in favour of Luther, cordially wished him success. 

In several parts of the country, where the 
ascendancy of the Catholics was too decided to ad- 
mit of opposition, there were not wanting proofs of 
a favourable disposition towards the new doctrine. 
At Mentz the populace received the bull with in- 
dignation, and the persons employed to put the 
books in the fire, did it at the hazard of their lives. 
Even at Louvain, considerable opposition was ex- 
perienced, and, though the influence of the heads 
of the university was such as to enable them to pro- 
ceed with the burning of Luther's books, a party 
among the students and inhabitants insisted on com- 
mitting, at the same time, to the flames a number 
of books of an opposite description. In Italy also, 
at Venice and Bologna, though no direct opposition 
was offered, the partizans of Luther had become 
numerous. In the Palatinate the new doctrine was 
by this time planted, though not publicly acknow- 
ledged till three years after. 

The first regular step taken by Luther against the 
bull was a protest recorded before a notary and 
witnesses, and an appeal from the pope to a general 
Council. An appeal of the same nature had been 
entered by him a twelve-month before, but the re- 
spectful manner in which he then spoke of Leo was 
now exchanged for the most embittered expressions. 
Leo X in impia sua tyrannide induratus perseverat 
— Iniquus, temerarius, tyrannicus judex — Hereti- 
cus et Apostata — Antichristus, blasphemus, super- 
bus coniemptor sanctce Ecclesice Dei.* 



*Luth. ii. 50. 



YEAR 1520. 



161 



The universities of Cologne and Louvain having 
openly burned Luther's books, and a similar exam- 
ple having been given at Rome, the Reformer now 
determined to retaliate. He caused public notice to 
be given at Wittemberg, that he purposed burning 
the antichristian decretals on Monday, 10th Dec. 
So novel a scene excited great interest, and the con- 
course accordingly was immense. The people as- 
sembled at nine o'clock in the morning, and pro- 
ceeded, in regular divisions, to the spot in the 
, neighbourhood where the ceremony was to be per- 
formed. Having there partaken of a slight repast, 
an eminent member of the university erected a kind 
of funeral pile and set it on fire : after which Luther 
took Gratian's Abridgment of the Canon Law ; the 
letters commonly called decretals of the pontiffs ; the 
Clementines and Extravagants, and, last of all, the 
bull of Leo X. All these he threw into the fire, and 
exclaimed with a loud voice, " Because ye have 
troubled the holy of the Lord, therefore let eternal 
fire trouble you." Having remained to witness their 
consumption, he returned into the city, accompanied 
by the same multitude, without the occurrence of the 
slightest disorder.* 

So extraordinary a step, however cordially re- 
ceived by his countrymen, seemed to call for a 
formal justification in the eyes of others. With 
that view Luther published a set of reasons, which, 
instead of proving a palliation of the act, had the 
effect, like his former vindications, of aggravating 
his offence. He warned the public not to be misled 
by high sounding titles, nor by declamations about 

* See Appendix 7i. 

X 



162 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

pontifical dignity, biit to proceed to a rigid exami- 
nation of what was actually taught in those books. 
This, he said, was the true way to make them aware 
of their poisonous and abominable doctrine. He 
then enumerated thirty specific articles, as examples 
of the errors and usurpations of the papacy. The 
canon law, he said, went beyond all bounds. Among 
other things it contained the extraordinary doctrine 
that " the pope is God upon earth, superior to all 
belonging to heaven or earth, whether spiritual or 
temporal. All things belong to the pope, and to 
him no one dares say, What doest thou ?"* Towards 
the conclusion of the treatise, Luther places in a very 
strong light the overbearing conduct of the popes 
towards all who ventured to dissent from them. 
" Never have the popes vanquished, either by 
Scripture or argument, any one who has spoken or 
written against them. — Their alternative has always 
been to excommunicate, burn, or put them to death, 
through the medium of kings, princes, and others 
devoted to the papacy." 

Luther's hostility to the canon law deserves par- 
ticular attention. He was by this time aware, that 
without the abolition of this ponderous and indi- 
gested code, the projected Reformation in religion 
would confer only a limited benefit on mankind. It 
is deeply to be lamented that he should have been 
less successful in the one than in the other. I can- 
not more clearly explain the causes of his failure 
than by transcribing the words of his countryman, 

* Papa est Deus in terris, superior omnibus ccelestibus, terrenis, 
spiritualibus et secularibus. Et omnia papa? sunt propria, cui 
nemo audeat dicere, Quid facis ? Luth. ii. 122. 



YEAR 1520. 



163 



the learned and accurate Boehmer, a well known 
professor of law: 

" On the introduction into Germany of en- 
lightened views in religion, the canon law would 
probably have been annihilated had it not been for 
the interposition of the lawyers. Luther, even be- 
fore shaking off the papal yoke, had detected the 
imperfection, fraud, and impiety of this law. In his 
treatise addressed to the emperor and the nobility, 
he expressed a wish that the ancient laws of Ger- 
many should be restored, a measure which, had it 
been effected, would have placed our affairs, both 
public and private, on a much surer foundation. It 
would have led to greater uniformity in our eccle- 
siastical law, to the cessation of tedious lawsuits, 
and to the re-introduction of that German candour 
and honesty, which are so conspicuous in the in- 
stitutes of our ancestors. But Luther's boldness in 
burning the canon law gave deadly offence to the 
lawyers. Henning Goeden, and Jerome Schurff 
were at that time pleaders of great reputation at 
Wittemberg, and believed, or professed to believe, 
that the abolition of the canon law would endanger 
the safety of the .state. The fact was, that their 
own interest and convenience were at stake, the 
canon law forming the rule of the whole mode of 
procedure in lawsuits. Hence arose the interfer- 
ence of these men, who, in an evil hour, proved 
the cause of preventing the abolition of the canon 
law, and the so much desired reform of ecclesiastical 
and civil law. The fact is, that from their igno- 
rance of the law of nature and moral philosophy, 
the lawyers were ill qualified to supply the want of 
the regulations established by a long course of pre- 



164 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



cedents. Unaccustomed to exercise their reasoning 
and inventive powers, the blank occasioned by the 
absence of the canon law presented to their imagina- 
tions an irremediable chasm. Moreover, the study 
of the canon law had long been an object of great 
ambition, and superiority in the knowledge of it 
formed one of the leading features of professional 
distinction." 

We have already adverted to the favourable dis- 
position of Erasmus towards Luther and his 
writings. On the condemnation of Luther's doc- 
trine by the subservient universities of Louvain and 
Cologne, Erasmus was prompted to address to Spa- 
latin a set of axioms on the Lutheran cause. He 
had scarcely put them out of his hands, w T hen, with 
his usual timidity, he begged that they might be re- 
turned to him lest they might do him an injury with 
the pope's nuncio.* These axioms however have 
been preserved, and the sentiments of so eminent a 
scholar deserve to be noticed. In the passage refer- 
ring to the act of the two universities, he says, " The 
motive of the proceeding is bad ; it is a love of ty- 
rannic rule, and a wish to discourage literary effort. 
Out of so many universities, two only have con- 
demned Luther ; and they have done nothing more 
than publish a sentence, for they have not confuted 
him, nor do they agree among themselves. "f The 
court of Rome, however, thought proper to lay great 
stress on the sanction of these public bodies. Honour- 

* Seckend. p. 126. 

f Fbns rei malus est, odium bonarum literarum, et affectatio 
lyrannidis. Duse duntaxat universitates condemnarunt Lutherum 
ex tam innumeris. Et condemnarunt tantum, non convicerunt : 
nee hae consentiunt. Axiom. Erasm. pro Caus. Luth. 



YEAR 1520. 



165 



able mention of it was made in the, bull, and the uni- 
versities were called " agri dominici piissimce, reli- 
giosissimce cultrices" 

In the course of this year, the elector Frederick 
being at Cologne, an interview took place between 
him and Erasmus. It was on this occasion that 
Erasmus made the ludicrous remark, that Luther had 
offended in two capital points — 44 He had touched 
the pope's supremacy and the bellies of the monks." 

Luther, according to his usual practice, replied 
with great spirit to the condemning sentence of the 
universities of Cologne and Louvain.* A new an- 
tagonist soon after appeared in a Franciscan monk 
at Leipsic named Augustine. To him also Luther 
gave a speedy reply ;t and in fact, he was indebted 
to the writings of opponents for a considerable share 
of the publicity of his cause. Even Cajetan now 
came forward and displayed his whole scholastic 
skill in asserting the divine origin and the infallibi- 
lity of the pope.t On the other hand there ap- 
peared on the side of Luther, and in support of the 
cause of free inquiry, an essay from the pen of 
Ulrich Hutten, a young man of fortune and lite- 
rary talents. He published Leo's bull and annexed 
to it short scholia,^ exposing in very bold language 

* Luth. ii. 33, et seq. See in p. 115 of that vol. a short account 
of what took place at Cologne. 

f Seckend. p. 103. 

% The title of his book is " Card. Cajetani, de Divina Institu- 
tione Pontificates." It was printed at Cologne, in June 1520. 
Seckend. p. 107- 

§ Bossuet is in a mistake when he ascribes those notes to Lu* 
ther. Hist, des Varjat. Liv. i. Sect. 26. 



166 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

the weakness of |he papal arguments and the pre- 
sumptuous encroachments of that court. 

This auxiliary publication was soon followed by 
one from Luther, who was too confident of his 
cause to remain inactive. The title of this address 
to the public bore the stamp of his usual bold- 
ness—it was an " Answer to the execrable bull of 
Antichrist." In this, and in another treatise which 
speedily came forth, he passed in review the whole 
of the forty-one propositions enumerated by Leo. 
No longer satisfied with offering these propositions 
as subjects for disputation, he affirmed them to 
be incontrovertibly true. So highly was this work 
esteemed at the court of Saxony, that Spalatin 
translated it from the Latin into German. 

The pope now thought the time had come to 
make a direct and pointed application to the elector 
Frederick, on the subject of Luther. With that 
view he sent, in the end of October, two nuncios, 
Jerome Aleander and Marinus Caracciolus, to 
Frederick, who was then at Cologne. Both were 
distinguished dignitaries of the church and mem- 
bers of the Conclave. They enlarged on the danger 
to which Germany was exposed by Luther's ex- 
ecrable writings, and, after requesting that his 
books should be burned and himself either impri- 
soned or sent to Rome, Aleander proceeded to state 
that the emperor, and all the other princes who had 
been applied to, had consented to the pope's de- 
mand. The investigation of Luther's cause had, 
he added, been committed by the pontiff to him 
and. Eckius. Urgent as this application was, the 
nuncios proved unable to extract an explicit answer 
from the wary Frederick. He replied in general 



YEAR 1520. 



167 



terms, that it was a matter of great moment and 
required mature deliberation. On the 4th Nov. he 
returned an answer by his ministers, but took care to 
adhere to the same general language as before. He 
declared " that the request was very unexpected on 
his part, and that, while at a distance from home, 
he had heard that Eckius, contrary to the tenor of 
the pontifical decree, had wished to injure not only 
Luther but other learned men in his dominions, an 
assumption of power, on the part of an unautho- 
rised individual, which could not but be extremely 
offensive to him. Having been absent, he could 
not say with certainty what had been done by 
Luther and others after receiving the pope's bull ; 
but it might happen that in consequence of the 
provocation given to him, there was a general dis- 
position to approve of his proceedings." Finally, 
he requested " that learned and good men should 
converse in a friendly manner on the whole business^ 
and that Luther should be accounted entitled to 
protection and have an opportunity to plead his 
cause." 



168 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



CHAPTER VII. 

YEAR 1521. 

THE adherents of the court of Rome were much 
disappointed at the inefficient operation of the bull 
against Luther ; and the conduct of that court 
in this business has been subjected to those charges 
of impolicy which are generally applied to unsuc- 
cessful counsels. It has been said by many persons, 
that the bull was too long delayed ; by others, that 
its language was too violent and arbitrary. An 
eminent historian,* adverting to these charges, is 
of opinion that the conduct of the Holy See on this 
occasion " bore few marks of its wonted sagacity." 
Were we, however, to extend our inquiries, we 
might find that its reputation for sagacity has been 
a good deal overrated. On analysing the history 
of former ages, we might discover that many mea- 
sures, accounted ; by Dr. Robertson, and others, 
" models of political wisdom," were nothing more 
than a close and unblushing application of those 
deceptions which men more artful than their neigh- 
bours have known how to apply in all ages. It was 
chiefly by a comparison with the other courts of 
Europe, that the policy of the Romish councils was 
estimated. Now we can hardly conceive any thing 
less skilful, or more capricious, than the measures 
of the sovereigns of Europe in these ages. After 

* Dr. Robertson, Charles V. 8vo. edition 3 vol. ii, p. 98. 



YEAR 1521. 



169 



the general improvement consequent on the revival 
of learning, it became a matter of great difficulty 
to prevent the occurrence of a schism similar to 
that which Luther produced. The only effectual 
way to obviate a revolution of that nature was, to 
desist sincerely and speedily from the practice of 
the gross frauds devised for a rude state of society. 
Clear and unquestionable as this appears, it would 
have formed an act of self-denial very seldom ex- 
emplified in the conduct of governments. Frauds 
are generally too lucrative, and the retention of 
arbitrary power too gratifying to our pride, to be 
relinquished otherwise than from necessity. His- 
tory is replete with examples of calamities originating 
in a blind pertinacity of this nature. And we need 
go no farther than the events of our own day to 
find a dreadful revolution take its rise from the re- 
fusal of the higher orders to bear an equal share in 
the burden of taxation. 

If we apply this reasoning to the conduct of the 
court of Rome, we shall not find that discrepancy 
in her policy at the era of the Reformation and 
former ages, which many persons have imagined. 
Her strength lay in diplomatic intrigue, and the 
revolution commenced by Luther had its origin in 
a cause which no dexterity of that kind could re- 
move or overcome. 

The interest now generally excited by Luther's 
writings showed that his doctrines had taken a 
powerful hold on the public mind. Though they 
had not received the avowed protection of any 
prince, the impression made on many leading indi- 
viduals in Germany seemed indicative of an ap- 
proaching separation from the church of Rome, 

Y 



170 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Meanwhile many pacific and well-intentioned per- 
sons, lamenting the vehemence of mutual recrimi- 
nation, and judging of the rest of mankind by 
themselves, were anxious to accomplish an ami- 
cable accommodation. To such persons it occurred 
that Luther's objection to the partiality of the 
judges hitherto named would be obviated by the 
appointment of exalted individuals, such as the 
emperor Charles, Henry VIII. of England, and the 
king of Hungary. But this expectation was ob- 
viously formed on no accurate estimate of the re- 
spective characters of these sovereigns. The magni- 
tude of Charles's empire rendered him an object of 
jealousy to all cotemporary princes, and to none 
more than the Roman pontiff. The possessions of 
Charles in Italy surrounded in a manner the ec- 
clesiastical territory, and obliged the pope to culti- 
vate for self-preservation a friendly connection with 
Francis I. Hence those interruptions to cordiality 
between Charles and the See of Rome which afforded 
opportunity to the Reformation to expand itself 
in Germany. Nothing indeed could be more em- 
barrassing than the situation of the pope in regard to 
the rival sovereigns, Charles and Francis. To be on 
friendly terms with the one necessarily implied 
hostility with the other. But the pope was in no 
condition to brave the enmity of either ; for while 
Charles was so near and formidable a neighbour, 
Francis had a strong claim on attention, as well 
from the extent of his political power, as from the 
danger of his embracing the liberal views of the Re- 
formers. This danger, says a protestant author, was 
by no means inconsiderable. Erat enim ille rex non 
qualis eum sunt consecuti postea ; sed acerrimus rernm 



YEAR 1521. 



171 



estimator, judicii ad dignoscendum rerum non parvi, 
eruditorum fautor, neque per se a nobis alienus* 

Another difficulty in negotiating with the impe- 
rial court consisted in the rivalship and even dis- 
sension which existed among the emperor's counsel- 
lors. The Spaniards and Flemings were extremely 
jealous of each other, and the court of Rome found 
it necessary to cultivate both. Charles had hardly 
passed his twentieth year, and was as yet only 
beginning to acquire that sagacity which marked 
his future conduct. That his course of proceeding 
in regard to Luther's cause was at first very prob- 
lematical, appears to be beyond dispute. He, in 
common with many leading men in Germany, early 
discovered an inclination rather to favour a reform 
in the church, than to support the pretensions of the 
pontiff. So general was the impression made by the 
corruptions of the church, that George, duke of Sax- 
ony, who, as we have already seen, was a zealous 
papist, presented at this time twelve grievances on 
the subject of indulgences and the conduct of the 
clergy. All these circumstances concur to show the 
general demand for a reform ; and there can be lit- 
tle doubt that had the decision of the question been 
left to the people, the cause of liberality would have 
been as successful in France, Austria, and even in 
Italy, as in Saxony and in England. But these fair 
prospects were destined to be clouded by the in- 
trigues of the court of Rome, and by the unfortu- 
nate connection existing between the church and the 
principal governments of Europe. In these days of 
limited education, the chief ministers in cabinets 
were ecclesiastics. Attachment to their own Order 
'* Beza, Vita Calvini. 



172 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



was, of course, a predominant feeling with them; 
and the church of Rome well knew how to make the 
impatience of princes to grasp a present object, subser- 
vient to the attainment of lasting advantage to herself. 

The term granted to Luther having expired, a new 
bull made its appearance on the third of January, 
1521, confirming the preceding in all its extent, 
with the serious addition of Luther's excommuni- 
cation. But this edict made very little impression 
and its reception tended only to show the dimi- 
nished efficacy of papal fulminations, against the 
progress of opinion. 

Meanwhile another attempt at reconciliation took 
place between two persons in the employment re- 
spectively of Charles and Frederick ; Gregory Pon- 
tanus, the elector's chancellor, and John Glassio, a 
Franciscan and father confessor to the emperor. 
Glassio was a man of address, and began by be- 
stowing the highest praises on Luther's genius, and 
expressing great anxiety on the part of the empe- 
ror to be instrumental in reconciling to the church 
so valuable a member. He next proceeded to ex- 
press his disappointment at the treatise termed the 
" Babylonish captivity," which, in his opinion, was 
infinitely inferior to Luther's other publications. 
To refute it, he added, would be no difficult matter, 
but his proposition was that Luther should disavow 
this treatise ; on which the pope would recall the 
bull and excommunication, appointing at the same 
time men of learning and impartiality to try Lu- 
ther's cause in Germany. From the various inter- 
views which followed, it is apparent that the church 
of Rome had been sorely wounded by the publica- 
tion of that treatise. Glassio confessed that all 



YEAR 1521. 



173 



parties were agreed on the necessity of a reform to 
a certain extent ; but, after all his efforts, this ne- 
gotiation was destined to experience the fate of the 
others. It was regarded on the part of Luther's 
friends as little else than an attempt to obtain the 
disavowal of the obnoxious treatise. 

The time had now arrived for holding Charles's 
first Diet. The city of Nuremberg being infested 
with the plague, the place of meeting was fixed at 
Worms. Thither Frederick repaired in company 
with Charles, and probably communicated with 
him at some length on the subject of Luther. 
Charles had previously requested Frederick to bring 
Luther along with him to the Diet, where he pro- 
mised that he should be well treated. With this 
application, however, the cautious elector declined to 
comply. He apprehended that Luther's appearance 
before that assembly would be productive of very 
serious discussion, and he determined accordingly 
to delay it as long as possible. 

The Diet assembled in January, and the agents 
of the court of Rome were indefatigable in their 
efforts to get a summons for Luther speedily issued. 
Frederick, apprized of all their machinations, gave 
Luther information, through the medium of Spa- 
latin, of what was likely to happen, and caused 
him to be asked what course he would pursue in 
the event of his being summoned by the emperor to 
appear before the Diet, a step which, in consequence 
of the urgency of the pope's agents, he thought very 
probable. Luther's answer was conveyed in a letter 
to Spalatin and was nearly as follows : 

" I shall certainly not hesitate to come, for I 
shall regard the emperor's summons as proceeding 



174 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



from God. If violence be offered to my person, 
an event not unlikely, I shall commend my cause 
to that God who delivered the three children from 
the fiery furnace. Should it not seem meet to God 
to preserve me, of what moment is my life com- 
pared with the life and sufferings of Christ? It is 
not for me," he adds, " to determine whether the 
danger to the Gospel be greater or less by my life 
or death. The truth of God is a rock of offence 
placed for the falling and rising of many in Israel. 
My chief duty is to pray that Charles may not 
stain his administration, at the outset, with my 
blood or his own. Let me rather die by the hands 
of the Romanists, lest he and all connected with 
him should be involved in sorrow by a guilty parti- 
cipation. You well remember what befel the 
emperor Sigismund — after the murder of Huss 
nothing succeeded with him. He died without 
male offspring, and Ladislaus, his grandson, fol- 
lowed him soon to the grave, so that his name 
became extinct in a single generation. His wife 
Barbara was a disgrace to the name of queen. But 
if it be determined that I am to be delivered, not 
only to the pope but to the gentiles, let the Lord's 
will be done. I have told you my mind fully. 
Your conjectures in regard to me are correct in 
every thing except as to the chance of my flight or 
recantation. I am unwilling to fly, but much more 
unwilling to recant. May the Lord Jesus send me 
support, for I can do neither without putting in 
hazard the piety and salvation of many persons." 

The elector's outward behaviour was extremely 
cautious; but, from a variety of circumstances, 
there can be no doubt that he had undertaken the 



YEAR 1521. 



175 



protection of Luther in good earnest. Charles, in 
the mean time, was induced to put his signature 
to several precipitate and inconsistent acts. He is- 
sued in January an order for summoning Luther 
before the Diet, but Frederick declining to forward 
it, the emperor thought proper to recall it. Fred- 
erick, apprehensive of personal danger to Luther, 
was determined that he should not undertake to 
come so far without a solemn pledge of protection. 
On the 25th January, Luther, we find, wrote to 
the elector as follows: " As to myself I am most 
ready to appear at the imperial Diet at Worms, be- 
fore equitable, learned, and good judges, provided I 
obtain a sufficient security and a safe conduct both 
for going and returning. By God's help I shall make 
it appear, to the conviction of all, that I have not 
been actuated by wilfulness, or by selfish views, but 
that whatever I have taught or written has proceeded 
from my conscience, from an ardour for the salvation 
of the catholic church, and for the extirpation of the 
most dangerous abuses and superstitions." 

The next step which took place in the. contra- 
dictory proceedings of Charles, was a letter, dated 
sixth March, summoning Luther to appear at Worms 
within twenty-one days. The letter is very short, 
and, while expressed in terms sufficiently attentive 
to Luther, it commands him peremptorily to appear 
before the Diet, and promises him protection in all 
the districts through which it was necessary for him 
to pass on his journey.* A private injunction was 

* The address of the letter was " Carolus Dei gratia Roma- 
norum Imperator, semper augustus, &c. Honorabili nostro Di- 
lecto devoto Doctori Martino Luthero, Augustiniani ordinis.'* 
Luth. ii. 163. Sleid. L. iii. 



176 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



added, it has been said, against his preaching by 
the way. In addition to the guarantee of the em- 
peror, the princes, through whose territories Luther 
had to travel, pledged themselves respectively for 
his safety. Meantime the pope's agents, impatient 
to draw down a censure on Luther, procured an 
edict from Charles, dated next day, seventh March, 
directing that his books should be submitted to the 
inspection of the magistrates. But the college of 
the empire interfered, and made a respectful re- 
monstrance against taking any such measure until 
Luther should be heard. This step, on the part of 
the college, if not indicative of a disposition to 
support Luther, showed at least that his cause had 
gained too much ground to be the object of pre- 
mature condemnation. 

Spalatin, having apprized Luther of the resolu- 
tion adopted by the emperor, added to the notice 
a communication that the object of his summons 
was the recantation of several of his opinions. Lu- 
ther replied on the 19th March, assuring Spalatin 
that he would not recant: " I shall tell the emperor 
Charles," he said, "that I am determined not to come, 
because it is to a recantation that he has summoned 
me. If that be all that is wanted, I might as well be 
asked to do it where I am. If, by this summoning, 
their intention is to put me to death, and, from 
the answer I am determined to give, to declare me 
a rebel, in that case I am willing to make my ap- 
pearance. I will not fly nor forsake the word in 
the field of battle. My enemies, I am persuaded, 
will never rest until they have put me to death." 

Various reasons contributed to induce Luther to 
adopt an affirmative determination in regard to the 



YEAR 1521. 



177 



question of going to Worms. The eclat given to 
his cause by appearing before the emperor and the 
assembled princes of Germany, and the assurance 
that his friends were sufficiently numerous and 
powerful to prevent his being condemned unheard, 
were conclusive arguments to a mind wholly en- 
grossed with the promulgation of a new doctrine. 
Other circumstances co-operated indirectly to sti- 
mulate Luther to come forward in vindication of his 
doctrine. The Bohemians had begun to receive his 
publications favourably, and to translate several of 
them.* Henry, brother of the bigoted George, duke 
of Saxony, seemed to discover an attachment to the 
Lutheran cause. And it may deserve to be mentioned, 
as an indication of the diffusion of zealous efforts 
against the papacy, that an artist of some eminence, 
Lucas Cranachius, joined himself to Luther, and 
engraved on wood delineations of the history of 
Christ and Antichrist. To these the Reformer fur- 
nished inscriptions, and to the prints of Antichrist he 
had no scruple in subjoining extracts from the papal 
decretals, sufficiently explicit to point out the connec- 
tion which he wished to establish between the two. 

Frederick conducted himself in this critical junc- 
ture with his wonted judgment. He assumed more 
than his usual appearance of reserve, that he might 
not be suspected of partiality to Luther. To pre- 
vent any molestation to the emperor's messenger 
on the part of the people, he gave orders to the p 
vost and senate of Wittemberg, that a gua. 
should, if necessary, be given him. On Luther's 
agreeing to obey the summons, the senate provided 
him with a covered wagon, the only mode of con- 

* Seckend. p. 148. 

z 



178 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



veyance then in general use in Germany. He was 
accompanied by bis friends Iodocus,* AmsdorfT, 
and Sauvenius, a native of Denmark. He took 
with him likewise as his counsel, Jerome SchurfF, 
who has been already mentioned as an eminent 
lawyer. Eager to circulate his opinions, Luther 
took an opportunity of preaching at Erfurt on the 
nature of justification and the vices of the clergy. 
He exercised his talents in the same way at Issenach, 
so that the admonition against preaching by the 
road, if given at all, had not been acceded to by 
him. Wherever he arrived, he had the gratifi- 
cation of receiving marks of distinguished attention. 
The inhabitants of Erfurt, on hearing of his ap- 
proach, came out in a body to receive him. But, 
by this time the fatigue of the journey, joined to 
anxiety of mind, had produced a considerable 
degree of illness. On arriving at Frankfort he 
wrote to Spalatin, " I have been indisposed ever 
since I left Issenach, nor am I yet recovered. The 
mandate of Charles was issued, I understand, to 
affright me, but Christ is alive and I shall enter 
Worms in spite of the gates of hell and the powers 
of the air — I am determined to meet Satan and to 
strike him with terror." — Luther's friends were not 
equally courageous. They were apprized of the 
emperor's hostile disposition, and began to look on 
the Reformer as a devoted victim. On reaching Op- 
penheim, he found letters from several friends and 
one from Spalatin himself, dissuading him from pro- 

* This was a very different person from Luther's logical pre- 
ceptor of the same name. He was younger than Luther, and 
continued, as we shall find in the sequel, a steady follower and 
friend of the Reformer. 



YEAR 152L 



179 



eeeding to Worms. It was then that he made the 
homely but resolute declaration, " To Worms I will 
go, were there as many devils there, as tiles on the 
houses." His boldness on this occasion appeared 
surprising at a future period to himself: For, a 
short time before his death, in speaking of the cir- 
cumstance to his friends at Eisleben, he added, 
" Thus you perceive that God can render a man un- 
daunted ; I know not whether I should now have 
the courage to do so much." 

When drawing towards the close of his journey, 
Luther received an invitation from Glassio, the 
emperor's confessor, to meet him at the residence 
of one of Luther's friends, at some distance from 
ihe road. But Luther, whether suspicious of Glas- 
sio, or as is more likely, afraid of exceeding the li- 
mited term of twenty-one days, replied, " that he 
was determined to go whither he had been ordered 
by the emperor." Accordingly he reached Worms 
on the 16th April, attired in his friar's cowl, seated 
in an open chariot and preceded by the emperor's 
herald on horseback in his official dress. Several of 
the Saxon nobles and others having come out to 
meet him, the whole formed a kind of procession 
and entered the city at ten in the forenoon. Before 
Luther reached the inn appointed for his residence, 
above two thousand persons were assembled; and, 
in the course of the day, many of the men of rank 
connected with the Diet called to have a sight of 
a stranger of so great celebrity. 

Next day, 17th April, notice was sent from the 
emperor to Luther that his presence was required at 
the Diet in the afternoon. When the hour (four 
o'clock) came, the crowd was so great that the only 



180 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



access to the place of audience was through gardens 
and private houses. Even the roofs are said to have 
been covered with spectators. An intimation having 
been privately given to Luther not to speak except in 
reply, the proceedings commenced on the part 
of one John Eckius, Official* as it is termed, of 
the archbishop of Treves, and equally hostile to 
Luther as his namesake, the disputant. This ora- 
tor, in an audible voice, first in Latin and next in 
German, proposed two questions : " Whether 
Luther avowed himself the author of the books 
bearing his name,?" to a collection of which he 
then pointed ; and " Whether he was disposed to 
retract or persist in their contents ?" Schurff, Lu- 
ther's counsel, having required that the titles of the 
books should be read, they proved to be his com- 
mentaries on the Psalms and the Lord's Prayer, his 
treatise on good works, along with other pieces 
which were not controversial. Luther instantly ac- 
knowledged himself the author of these works, but 
in regard to the second question, he asked, no doubt 
by the suggestion of his counsel, that " time might 
be given him to consider his answer." One day 
was accordingly granted, accompanied, however, 
with an intimation that a written answer would not 
be received. The proceedings were then adjourned, 
and several of the by -standers called aloud to Luther 
in an encouraging tone, not to be afraid of those 
who could kill only the body. 

If Luther's opponents were led, by his requiring 

* The " Official " was an officer to whom an ecclesiastical 
prince, possessing, like the archbishop of Treves, extensive 
political power, was in the habit of delegating the detail of his 
spiritual jurisdiction. 



YEAR 1521. 



181 



time, to entertain any hope of hesitation on his 
part, they were speedily undeceived. On entering 
the Diet next day, Eckius recapitulated with great 
form, the proceedings of the day before, and asked 
Luther once more whether he retracted or persisted. 
Luther delivered an answer at great length, first in 
German and afterwards in Latin. Notwithstanding 
the awe of the assembly and the excessive heat from 
the great numbers present, he spoke in a tone of 
clearness and confidence. He began by enlarging 
on the distinct object and tendency of his several 
publications. Some of them referred, he said, to 
the doctrines, others to the duties of Christianity, 
and were such as no person in the sober exercise of 
reason could find fault with. Adverting next to 
that part of his writings which regarded the papacy, 
so far from disguising his sentiments, he expatiated 
on the baseness of which he would be guilty, were 
he to disavow what had been prompted by the perusal 
of the Scriptures and by the notorious corruption of 
the church. Repeating the words of our Saviour when 
before Annas, he said " If I have spoken evil, bear 
witness of the evil ; but if well, why smitest thou me ?" 
He entreated that any one present, of whatever sta- 
tion, would undertake to point out his errors, in which 
case he promised, as he had frequently done before, 
to recant and to be the first to throw his own books 
into the fire. Eckius, who had discovered symptoms 
of impatience during the delivery of the defence, 
declared, as soon as it was ended, that Luther had 
not answered to the point, and ought not to express 
doubts about things that had been already defined 
and condemned by so many councils. Then as- 
suming a peremptory tone, be demanded a catego- 



182 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

rical answer whether he recanted or not ? Luther, 
addressing himself to the Diet, said, " Since a po- 
sitive answer is required of me, I have only to add, 
that unless I shall be convinced by Scripture, (for I 
can put no credit in the pope or in councils, as it 
is evident they have erred frequently and have even 
contradicted each other,) I say, unless my con- 
science be convinced by the word of God, I neither 
can nor will recant, since it is unworthy of an 
honest man to act contrary to his conviction — here 
I stand, it is impossible for me to act otherwise — so 
help me God." Eckius still affirmed that Luther 
had not answered the question, and, after some 
general conversation, informed Luther that the 
emperor was disposed to make a distinction between 
his different works, but still insisted on his saying 
whether he defended every thing in his writings, or 
what part of them he would recant ? Luther then 
asked whether the emperor could mean to compel 
him to recant against his conscience and even with- 
out any means being used to convince him ? Having 
repeated his assertion, that councils had often erred, 
and Eckius having said that he could not prove any 
error on the part of a council, Luther, nowise re- 
luctant to tread on controversial ground, affirmed 
his readiness to enter into proof of what he had de- 
clared. The discussion was protracted to a late 
hour, and some of the emperor's Spanish counsellors, 
bigotedly attached to the pope, could not withhold 
their murmurs at Luther on his leaving the Diet. 

The emperor being, in a great measure, unac- 
quainted with the mode of conducting the affairs of 
Germany, and impatient at the continuance of the 
controversy, allowed himself to be persuaded that 



YEAR 1521. 



183 



the fittest course would be to excommunicate Lu- 
ther at once. This took place accordingly next day, 
19th April, but being done without the assent of 
the princes, the efficacy of the decree was very dif- 
ferent from what would have attended a concurrent 
resolution of the Diet. Many persons of distinction 
continued to visit Luther, and the multitude gave 
evident signs of their interest in his cause. They 
surrounded his lodging in crowds, and appeared as 
if they could not be satisfied with beholding him. 
His opponents, apprehensive of the odium attached 
to premature condemnation, procured from the 
emperor a suspension, during three days, of the 
execution of the sentence, an interval which the 
archbishop of Treves proposed to occupy in an at- 
tempt to prevail on Luther to retract his opinions, 
or, at least, to promise silence for the future. The 
archbishop had long been desirous of a conference 
with Luther. It was he who, two years before, 
had urged a meeting of this kind on the arrival of 
Miltitz in Saxony.* He appears to have entertained 
a hope, that by mixing temperance with firmness in 
the treatment of Luther, he might be prevailed on 
to stop short in his career. Such a course could 
hardly have failed at the outset, but the case was 
now much altered by the mutual and repeated effu- 
sions of animosity. 

Luther, being invited to a conference with the 
archbishop and the other princes, consented to 
appear before them. They met to receive him 
on the 24th without the formality of constituting 
themselves into a council. Luther having repaired 
to the inn where the primate lodged, was addressed 

* See p. 120, 



184 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



in very conciliatory terms by the chancellor of 
Baden, who acted on the present occasion as 
speaker to the princes. That officer, after pro- 
fessing a dislike to controversy, vindicated the con- 
sistency of general councils, and expatiated on the 
great commotions to be apprehended from Luther's 
books, in particular from the work on " Christian 
liberty." Ke mixed his censure, however, with a 
commendation of several of his writings, and en- 
larged principally on the hazard to be apprehended 
to the public tranquillity. The chancellor having 
spoken in the name of the princes of the empire, 
Luther, in his reply, thanked these illustrious persons 
for condescending to admonish him. He repeated 
his charge against the councils, particularly the coun- 
cil of Constance for their treatment of Huss, and re- 
iterated the wish which he had already so frequently 
expressed, that all his doctrines should be examined 
and decided by Scripture. Having thus spoken, he 
retired to give the princes time to deliberate. On 
being called in again, the chancellor of Baden advised 
him to submit his works to the judgment of the em- 
peror. Luther professed all due respect for Charles, 
and declared that instead of shunning, he courted ex- 
amination, but no consideration could induce him to 
relinquish what the Scripture taught. He concluded 
by requesting them to intercede with the emperor 
and prevail on him to desist from compelling him to 
act contrary to his conviction. When he had con- 
cluded, the elector of Brandenburg, to bring the mat- 
ter to a point, asked him Whether he had said that 
he was determined not to yield unless convinced by 
Scripture ? to which he immediately replied, " Cer- 
tainly." He then retired, and the princes, thinking 



YEAR 1521. 



185 



any farther attempt vain, broke up their meeting and 
repaired to the Diet. 

The archbishop of Treves, however, was deter- 
mined to make one effort more, and, on his invitation, 
Luther, accompanied by Schurff and Amsdorff, re- 
paired to a fresh conference at the archbishop's. 
Here, along with that prelate, they met Eckius and 
Cochkeus, another ardent abetter of the papal cause. 
These zealous advocates employed a variety of argu- 
ments, as well to shake Luther in his creed, as to 
prevail on him to abstain from writing or teaching. 
But Luther in this, and in every subsequent confer- 
ence, scorned the idea of recantation, and adhered to 
his former text of reference to Scripture, and to 
Scripture alone. The archbishop having held a filial 
conversation with him, asked him, what remedy 
could be adopted by way of compromise ? to which 
Luther replied in the words of Gamaliel, (Acts v.) 
" If this work be of men, * will come to nought; 
but, if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it." He 
persisted that the council of Constance had decided 
contrary to Scripture, and repeated that he would ra- 
ther lose his life than renounce what he considered 
the word of God. On his saying this, the archbishop 
desisted from farther urgency, dismissed him politely, 
and promised him a safe conduct. Accordingly, on 
the same day, Eckius and the emperor's secretary 
delivered him a safe conduct for twenty-one days, 
with an intimation that he might depart. To this 
they added, in a less gracious tone, that " since after 
so many admonitions, he was still averse to cherish 
a mutual good understanding or unity, Charles, as 
the defender of the Catholic faith, was determined to 
do his duty." They delivered to him also a prohi- 

2 A 



186 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



bition as to preaching or haranguing the people on 
his road home. Luther's reply was, " As it pleased 
God, so it is come to pass. I thank the emperor and 
the princes of the empire for the gracious audience 
and the safe conduct they have given me. My wish 
is, for nothing but a reformation by means of the 
Scripture. In other respects I am ready to suffer 
any thing for the emperor or the empire ; life or 
death, good or evil report — reserving nothing to my- 
self but the freedom of confessing and bearing wit- 
ness of the word of God." Next day, 26th April, 
having taken a cordial leave of his friends and pa- 
trons, he left Worms and proceeded on his return, 
accompanied by the emperor's herald and the persons 
who had come with him from Wittemberg. 

Though the elector of Saxony avoided any open 
protection of Luther, his solicitude for him is evinced 
by a variety of documents which are still in existence. 
So early as 16th Januaiy, he had written to his bro- 
ther John that he had information of daily consulta- 
tions, the main object of which was to induce the 
emperor to declare Luther an outlaw. On 30th 
January he repeated a communication to the same 
effect. Again, on 25th March, after complaining of 
the great fatigue which he endured in consequence 
of the accumulation of business at the Diet, he 
added : " Luther is summoned to appear at Worms. 
I know not whether he will think it advisable to 
come. Every thing goes on slowly, nor can I pro- 
mise much good." On 23d April, the day of Lu- 
ther's first audience, Frederick wrote to his brother, 
" If it were at all in my power, I should be very 
ready to assist Luther in whatever I could lawfully 
do. They seem intent on banishing him. You 



YEAR 1521. 



187 



would be surprised were I to relate how much I am 
harassed. Whoever has been thought to favour him 
in any respect, is accounted a heretic." 

On Luther's arrival at Fried berg, on his return, 
he addressed letters, dated 28th April, to the empe- 
ror and the princes, urging the propriety of appoint- 
ing proper judges to examine his books. He was at- 
tentively received at most places, and at the earnest 
request of the abbot of Heisfeld, a Benedictine and 
prince of the empire, he ventured to preach notwith- 
standing the imperial interdict. At Friedberg the 
emperor's herald took his leave and returned to 
Worms, after which Luther went out of the ordinary 
road to visit his relations. It was then that an event 
took place which, had it not come from a friendly 
quarter, would have been calculated to plunge his 
friends in despair. The elector of Saxony, appre- 
hensive from the spirit of the abettors of the papacy, 
of an attempt on Luther's person, determined to put 
him out of danger for a season. The measure had 
probably received Luther's previous assent ; but be 
this as it may, the Reformer, while travelling along 
the skirt of the Thuringian forest near the river 
Werra, and not far from the village of Schweina, 
was suddenly seized by a party of men in masks, 
who rushed forward on the road. They accomplished 
their commission without violence, and carried him 
back, through the forest, to the castle of Wartburg 
or Wartemburg. This castle is situated on one of the 
highest mountains near Issenach, and is remarkable 
for commanding an extensive prospect. It had been, 
in ancient times, a residence of the landgraves of 
Thuringia. Here Luther found it necessary to remain 
a considerable time in a state of friendly confinement 



188 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



The subsequent proceedings of the Diet were such 
as to show the expediency of this step, extraordinary 
as it was. After some delay, incurred probably for 
the purpose of taking advantage of the departure of 
Luther's principal friends from the Diet, an imperial 
edict was issued which declared him a schismatic and 
heretic, and put him under the ban of the empire. 
A right was given to every one to seize- the person 
and property of him and his adherents. This edict 
was not published until 26th May, although dated, 
for the sake of appearing the act of the Diet at large, 
so far back as the 8th May. 

How far the seizure and confinement of Luther at 
Wartemburg was the act of Frederick alone, or in 
concert with the princes friendly to the Reformation, 
has not been ascertained. Certain it is that the em- 
peror took no steps to follow up the proceedings 
against Luther, and was not scrupulous of availing 
himself in his future politics, of the divisions attend- 
ant on the diffusion of the new doctrines. 

The new mode of life consequent on his removal 
to the castle, was by no means agreeable to Luther. 
The want of sufficient exercise, the change from the 
plain diet of a monastery, but particularly his anxiety 
for the state of the church and the university of Wit- 
temberg, all contributed to form subjects of complaint 
m his letters to his friends. His great apprehension 
was lest his absence from a participation in the exer- 
tions and troubles of his adherents, should be con- 
strued into a preference of personal safety to other 
considerations. In his letters to Melancthon we find 
him saying, " For the glory of the Scriptures and 
the consolation of mankind, I would rather submit to 
a violent death than that you should think me lan- 



YEAR 1521. 



189 



guid in the cause. Even though I should perish, the 
word of God shall not perish, and you, I hope, like 
another Elisha, would succeed Elijah. If the pope 
proceed to attack all who are of my sentiments, Ger- 
many must be involved in tumult, and the sooner the 
attempt is made, the sooner will he and his abettors 
be defeated." 

Though secluded from intercourse with the world, 
Luther was incapable of passing his time in inac- 
tivity or indifference. He continued to study as la- 
boriously as before, but the caution of Frederick and 
his ministers obliged him to delay publishing. The 
public disputations at the universities, too, were sus- 
pended, lest offence should be given to the church. 
Many of the professors, and among others Melanc- 
thon, considered this a serious invasion of academi- 
cal liberty. Luther, when informed of it, urged them 
to deviate without hesitation from the injunctions of 
the court, adding, " had I followed Spalatin's cautious 
-admonitions, the one half of what I have done would 
never have been effected." 

The first essay, which Luther found means to 
publish from his retreat, was a short treatise in Ger- 
man, on the abuse of auricular confession. The peo- 
ple, he said, so far from being benefited, were cor- 
rupted by it, and its chief use was to feed the ascen- 
dancy and luxury of the clergy. In contradistinction 
to this practice, he exhibited an account of the true 
nature of confession from the Scripture. His next 
publication was a short practical work, consisting of 
notes on the Evangelists, the merit of which was ac- 
knowledged even by his adversaries. He carried on 
likewise a controversy with James Latomus, a divine 
of Louvain, already known to the public by his dis- 



190 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



putes with Reuchlin and Erasmus, and who had un- 
dertaken the defence of the decision given by his 
university in Luther's cause. 

Luther's zeal for the university of Erfurt, the 
scene of his early studies, led him about this time to 
compose an address to the students of that seminary. 
They had been wanting in respect to the clergy, and 
though this originated in partiality to his doctrine, he 
did not hesitate to write to them in a tone of repre- 
hension. Another of his publications related to the 
proper acceptation of the word " priests" in the New 
Testament. Connected with this question was the 
more important one of the propriety of the marriage 
of the clergy. It was now for the first time that he 
ventured to discuss this interesting question. He 
laid it down as a principle, that all men were at 
liberty to marry ; that ecclesiastics were partakers of 
this general liberty ; and that marriage was even in- 
cumbent on those who felt themselves inclined to it. 
One exception, however, he made in the case of ec- 
clesiastics, and that exception was inclusive of him- 
self ; — it was of those who had made a spontaneous 
vow of celibacy. We shall see hereafter that in this, 
as in other points, his dissent from the established 
doctrine became gradually more complete. His friend 
Melancthon, who was not in orders, had married the 
preceding year. 

The consideration of these subjects led Luther to 
the composition of his celebrated work on " Monas- 
tic Vows." Here he expressed himself with great 
freedom on this fictitious and unnatural institution. 
His father had, as we have already mentioned, op- 
posed his entering a monastery, and the treatise was 
dedicated to him as a tribute of filial affection. 



YEAR 1521. 



191 



Another publication was prompted by a work of Am- 
brose Catherine, a Dominican, who had undertaken 
to controvert, several of Luther's arguments, and who 
was eventually rewarded for his zeal by the attain- 
ment of high rank in the church. Luther in his an- 
swer confined himself to one concise and favourite 
allegation — that the pope was Antichrist. Though 
much superior to Catherine in strength of argument, 
he permitted himself to follow the example of that 
writer in the adoption of irritating and abusive lan- 
guage. In fact, one can hardly imagine a more bit- 
ter publication than this of Luther. — Another pro- 
duction of great boldness was a letter addressed on 
25th November to Albert, archbishop of Mentz. 
The reply of this dignitary was by no means so se- 
vere as might have been expected from Luther's con- 
fident tone. Albert was too cool a politician to 
quarrel with the Reformer, and seemed to discover a 
wish to tranquillize and flatter him. 

In these different publications no allusion was 
made to his place of retreat. Although fearless him- 
self, he made no difficulty in conforming to those 
precautionary measures which his friends thought 
necessary for his security. The castle of Wartburg 
was occasionally visited by gentry and nobility as a 
hunting quarter ; and to prevent observation, it was 
necessary for Luther to assume the dress of a horse- 
man. He sometimes even joined the party in par- 
taking of the sports of the field ; and^ absent as his 
thoughts were from the scene before him, appear- 
ances were so well kept up, that the visitors to the 
castle do not appear to have found him out. 

The circumstance of his confinement, as it was 
calculated to increase the public sympathy for him, 



192 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



probably tended to favour the diffusion of his tenets 1 . 
Various appearances indicated that they were begin- 
ning to take general root. In one point, however, 
matters went at this time contrary to his wish. The 
public reproach which he had thrown on the canon 
law, would, he flattered himself, have brought it into 
disrepute at Wittemberg, and he was accordingly 
much surprised to hear of the appointment of a pro- 
fessor to teach canon law in his own university. To 
this office his friend Iodocus, or, as he afterwards 
chose to call himself, Justus Jonas, was nominated. 
This, joined to other circumstances, made Luther 
impatient to repair personally to Wittemberg, and 
satisfy himself about the measures that were going 
on. He ventured accordingly, without the elector's 
knowledge, to withdraw for a short time from the 
castle and re-appear among his friends. He found 
them proceeding very actively in the career of inno- 
vation. His brethren, the Augustinians, had gone 
great lengths. They had not only abolished private 
masses and the disgraceful custom of begging, but 
had granted a general exemption from the obligation 
of wearing the monastic habit, as well as liberty to 
whoever thought proper to withdraw from the Order. 
On the first of these topics, the abrogation of private 
mass, Luther addressed, in the month of November, 
a treatise to his brethren. Though somewhat appre- 
hensive of their going too far, he heartily approved of 
their principles, and composed a laboured refutation 
of the tenets of the Romish church on the subject.* 
However the introduction of all these changes caused 
a great deal of serious debate in the fraternity. The 
elector found it necessary to interfere, and to depute 

* Luth. ii. 244. Slcid. L. iii. Seckend. p. 214. 



YEAR 1521. 



193 



Gregory Pontanus to inquire into the points in dis- 
pute. On the other hand, certain persons being ap- 
pointed to carry on the discussion on the part of the 
university, the result of their deliberation was a peti- 
tion to the elector for nothing less than a general 
abrogation of mass throughout his dominions. Jonas, 
Carolostad and Melancthon, were in the number of 
petitioners. 

Luther was now to encounter an adversary of a 
new kind. Henry VIII. of England having, in the 
early part of life, paid some attention to the study of 
scholastic theology, was flattered by his courtiers in- 
to the belief of being able to obtain an easy triumph 
over the arguments of Luther. The " Babylonish 
Captivity" having attracted his notice, he boldly un- 
dertook the task of defending the seven sacraments 
of the Romish communion. He published a book 
and transmitted it, in the month of October, to Rome, 
where it was delivered, with the utmost formality, to 
the assembled conclave. The accompanying address 
was " Anglorum Rex Henricus, Leo X. mittit hoc 
opus etfidei testem et amicitice" The title of " De- 
fender of the Faith " was immediately conferred on 
this distinguished advocate of the church. 

Henry's book, considering the badness of his cause 
and the wretched system of learning then in vogue, 
is not destitute of merit. His courtiers had the ef- 
frontery to declare that it must have been written 
under the influence of the Holy Spirit. But Luther 
was not to be discouraged either by high-sounding 
encomiums or by the rank of his assailant. He re- 
turned a prompt reply, and had no scruple in de- 
scribing the king by the most abusive epithets. It is 
needless to make any selection, as the whole treatise 

2B 



194 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



is full of them. The length to which he went, gave 
his enemies a handle of reproach, and even caused 
regret among some of his friends. 

At the end of this year, the emperor Charles, who 
had hitherto declined to carry the pope's bull into 
effect, began to act in hostility to the Reformation. 
Some steps were taken, at the instigation, it is said, 
of Alexander, the pope's nuncio, towards persecuting 
the Lutherans in the Netherlands. Orders were 
likewise given to burn Luther's books at Vienna. 

Of all the remarkable events of this year, one of 
the least expected remains yet to be mentioned. 
This was the death of Leo X. which took place on 
the first or 2d of December. The suddenness of its 
occurrence, and the multiplied intrigues at the court 
of Rome, have given rise to a suspicion of poison ; 
but the examination of this question would be foreign 
to the object of our narrative.* 



* Ciacon. Vit. Pontif. p. 1417, 1447- See Appendix A A. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 195 



CHAPTER VIII. 

YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 

LUTHER having, after a short absence, returned 
to the castle of Wartemburg, began to devote himself 
to a labour of great importance — the translation of 
the Scriptures into German. The magnitude of the 
design was in correspondence with his ardent and 
enterprising cast of mind, and the seclusion of his 
present residence was favourable to the commence- 
ment of its execution. Zealous, however, as he was, 
he soon discovered that the task was a very difficult 
one. In a letter to his friend Amsdorff, written in 
January, he says, 

"I am busily engaged in translating the Scriptures, 
although conscious that I have undertaken a work 
above my abilities. I have now some idea what it is 
to translate, and why no one who has attempted it 
has put his name to his version.* I cannot venture 
to attempt the* Old Testament unless you and your 
associates be present and assist me. If by any means 
it could be managed, that I could lodge in complete 
secrecy with any of you, I would immediately come, 
and, with your assistance, would again go over what 
I have translated, that the work might be made wor- 
thy of being read by Christians. I hope that our 

* He alludes to the circumstance of no names being prefixed 
to the early translations of Scripture. This was probably owing 
to the custom of the times, and to the publicity of the individuals 
who undertook these meritorious labours. 



196 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



translation will be superior to the Vulgate. The oc- 
cupation is great and honourable, and may employ 
us all, since the salvation of mankind is connected 
with it." 

The history of this noble monument of Luther's 
industry deserves to be recorded with minuteness. 
He had applied during the preceding summer, with 
extraordinary diligence, to the study of the Greek 
and Hebrew. From the attempts which had been 
previously made to translate the Scriptures into Ger- 
man, Luther could derive little or no assistance. 
Versions of a homely kind had been published at 
Nuremberg in 1477, 1483, 1490, and at Augsburg 
so late as 1518. The common people, however, 
were not encouraged to read them, and the vulgarity 
of the style, together with the miserable printing, 
was ill calculated to attract the attention of others. 
In regard to the translation said to have been made 
in the days of Charlemagne, or the rhyming versions 
of the dark ages, it would be ridiculous to notice 
them otherwise than as matter of record. In the 
management of this great labour, Luther had fre- 
quently recourse to the assistance of his friends, and 
freely confesses the obligations whi<?h he owed to 
them. The reward of his industry has consisted in 
the approbation of his countrymen ever since the 
publication of his work. Catholic authors themselves, 
while they make great objection to the sentiments 
which, in their opinion, he has ingrafted on the 
Scriptures, are loud in praising the perspicuity of 
the style. His manner of conducting his labour is 
explained in a letter which he addressed to Spalatin, 
after returning from his confinement to Wittemberg : 

" I translated not only John's Gospel but the 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



197 



whole of the New Testament in my Patmos ; but 
Melancthon and I have now begun to revise the 
whole of it, and it will, by the blessing of God, do 
us credit. We sometimes need your assistance to 
direct us to suitable modes of expression. Prepare 
yourself therefore, but supply us only with such 
words as are simple, and avoid all that are confined 
in their use to the camp or court. We wish the book 
to be distinguished by the simplicity of its style. 
To accomplish this, in one difficult passage, we beg 
you will furnish us with the names, colours, and if 
possible a sight of the precious stones mentioned in 
Rev. xxi." This request had reference to the elec- 
tor's collection of gems. Spalatin complied with the 
wish of his friends, and transmitted them the precious 
stones in question, which, after due examination, 
they sent back.* 

Of the different books of the New Testament, 
Matthew's Gospel was published first, next Mark's, 
and the Epistle to the Romans. The other books 
soon followed, so that the whole came out by Sep- 
tember 1522. With a view to extensive circulation 
among the lower orders, Luther took care that the 
form of the edition should be cheap ; besides, the 
different books of the New T Testament were publish- 
ed separately and sold at a very low rate. The 
translation of this part of Scripture was only the be- 
ginning of his labours : He had the courage to pro- 
ceed to the Old Testament, and, on 2d November, 
he thus expressed himself in a letter to a friend : 

" In my translation of the Old Testament, I am 
only in Leviticus. It is inconceivable how much 
writing letters, business, conversation, and many 

* Seckend. p. 204. 



198 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



other things, have interrupted my progress. 1 am 
now determined to shut myself up at home, and to 
use despatch, so that the five books of Moses may 
be sent to press by January. We shall print them 
separately : after that we proceed to the historical 
parts of Scripture, and, lastly, to the Prophets. The 
size and price render it necessary to make these 
divisions in the publication." Nor did his progress 
fall short of his expectation, for he was enabled to 
send the Pentateuch to press by the middle of De- 
cember. And in regard to the New Testament, such 
was the rapid sale of his translation, that a second 
edition was printed in the course of the same month.* 

In proceeding with his labours in the Old Testa- 
ment, Luther encountered various difficulties. Among 
other things, the proper names of animals were pro- 
ductive of much embarrassment ;f but nothing could 
discourage him — he persevered, year after year, and 
had the satisfaction, as we shall find in the sequel, 
not only of completing, but of publishing amended 
editions of his gigantic undertaking. 

The church of Rome was well aware of the danger 
to her superstitious legends and extravagant assump- 
tions, from a good translation of the Bible. Her de- 
fenders have therefore directed many attacks against 
Luther's labour, and have presumed to accuse it of 
frequently vitiating the sense of the original. Of 
these various critics none was more acrimonious than 
Jerome Emser, who, as we have already mentioned, 
was professor of canon law at Leipsic. Offended, 

* Seckend. p. 204. 

t The Hierozoikon of Samuel Bochart, a work replete with 
Roman, Greek, and Oriental learning, has now thrown great light 
on this obscure subject. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



199 



like the rest of his brethren, that Luther should pre- 
fer the Greek original to the Latin Vulgate, he 
hastened, in 1523, to publish, in German, critical 
notes on Luther's translation of the New Testament. 
The number of heresies and falsehoods, of which 
this zealot accused Luther in his translation, amount- 
ed to no less than fourteen hundred. Cochlseus, 
equally hostile, but somewhat less presumptuous, is 
satisfied with estimating Luther's misrepresentations 
at the reduced number of one thousand. But Emser 
put the seal to his own condemnation by borrowing 
largely from Luther in a subsequent translation of 
his own. In regard to the Epistle of James, the at- 
tacks which Luther's opponents made on his hasty 
translation, were more formidable ; but the means of 
supporting their animadversions by reference to ca- 
nonical authority were either unknown to them or 
were very unskilfully managed in their hands.* 

Meanwhile the civil authorities in Germany con- 
tinued their efforts to crush the Lutheran doctrine. 
The affairs of the emperor had rendered his presence 
absolutely necessary in Spain, but the government 
was entrusted in his absence to a regency extremely 
hostile to the Reformation. Accordingly on January 
20, under the presidency of the elector palatine, an 
edict was issued at Nuremberg, commanding the 
princes to proceed to punish those persons among the 
laity, who, in the language of the edict, " were pro- 
faners of the sacrament by partaking of the wine as 

* Father Simon, in his Hist. Crit. du Vieux Testam. endeavours 
to throw great blame on Luther's translation, but from the exam- 
ples which he has adduced, it may be suspected that either he had 
read only a small part of it, or that he was no great critic in the 
German language. 



200 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



well as of the bread." Equal rigour was enjoined 
towards those of the clergy who had ventured to de - 
part from a state of celibacy. The bigoted George, 
duke of Saxony, was one of the few princes who 
thought proper to carry this decree into effect. He 
proceeded to imprison such of the monks as preached 
Luther's doctrine, and to recall from the universities 
those students who appeared to have imbibed a simi- 
lar partiality.* 

It was at this time, that the Anabaptists began 
their enthusiastic career, and showed to what an 
outrageous length the spirit of innovation may be 
carried in the hands of deluded men. As a sequel in 
some measure of the Reformation, Luther was much 
affected by these irregularities. But a more direct 
cause of disquietude arose from the precipitate mea- 
sures of his own friends. In his absence from Wit- 
temberg, Carolostad had taken the lead, and was ad- 
vancing with very decisive steps. He had not only 
shaken himself loose of his clerical vow of celibacy 
and become a married man, a step of which Luther 
approved, but he had vehemently attacked the prac- 
tice of having images in churches. The people, at 
his instigation, had even gone the length of throwing 
down those that were in the churches at Wittemberg 
and elsewhere. These proceedings Luther accounted 
precipitate, and was very unwilling to do any thing 
of the kind until the common people were better 
instructed, by which time, he argued, that images 
would fall of themselves. It has been suspected that 
he was unwilling to let Carolostad, or any other of 
his followers, take a lead in the career of Reforma- 
tion : a conjecture confirmed, it must be confessed. 

* Seckend. p, 106. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 201 



by a passage in a letter from Luther to his friend 
Caspar Guttelius, in which, speaking of Carolostad, 
he says, " At ille cupiebat fieri subitb novus magister, 
et suas ordinationes in populo autoritate mea eri- 
gere"* Be that as it may, Luther determined to 
leave forthwith his place of confinement. As he 
could have no hope of obtaining the elector's consent, 
he resolved to withdraw without his knowledge, and 
to assign his reasons by letter. He accordingly left 
the castle on 3d March, 1522, and addressed the 
elector a letter of some length, which, while it shows 
decided independence, is marked, more perhaps than 
any other production of Luther, with his character- 
istic eccentricities. It was expressed nearly as fol- 
lows : 

" I am almost in despair at what has taken place at 
Wittemberg. My former sufferings were child's play 
compared to this alarm, which is calculated to throw 
reproach on the gospel itself. My great source of 
confidence is in the consciousness of an upright life, 
and if you are not convinced of that, I am willing to 
be denounced by you. My gospel proceeds not from 
man but from the Lord Jesus, and I shall henceforth 
call myself a servant of Christ and an evangelist. 
That I might attract others to the right path, I have 
published such knowledge as I possess, but my strain 
of communication has been too humble. Now, how- 
ever, when I see that my moderation tends to impede 
the progress of the gospel, I am unwilling to yield 
any longer even to please a prince, as I did last year, 
not through fear, but for a different reason. I ven- 
tured to enter Worms without dreading innumerable 
devils, and since duke George is not equal in power 

* Seckend. p. 197- 

2C 



£02 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

to one devil, the faithful have cause to rejoice and to 
be courageous, for they have God the Father, on 
whom they can call. The wrath of the duke should 
be scorned, and for my part I am resolved, were it 
necessary, to enter Leipsic, although the heavens 
should pour down for nine days together nothing 
but rulers of still greater cruelty. I write these 
things to your Highness that you may know that I 
return to Wittemberg under a protection far more 
powerful than that of an elector. The sword is not 
wanted to defend my cause, for God will take it into 
his own hands. Your Highness's faith is weak, and 
I cannot think of relying on it for my defence. You 
wish to know what you should do, and say you have 
done less than became you. — I reply, that you have 
nothing to do, and have already done too much. It 
is contrary to the will of God, that your Highness or 
I should have recourse to arms in the defence of my 
cause. If you put belief in these things, you will be 
saved ; if not, I at least believe them, and must per- 
mit your incredulity to be a source of vexation to you. 
Since I decline obeying you, you are not to blame if 
I be apprehended and put to death. I have no wish 
to oppose force to the emperor, that the world may 
see that he has the power of treating the persons and 
property of your subjects as he pleases. You cannot 
be asked to act the part of an executioner to me. 
Were that to be required, and I to be made acquaint- 
ed with the situation in which it placed your High- 
ness, I should take care (you may believe it or not,) 
that on my account you should be safe and uninjured 
in body, soul and property." 

Frederick received this communication the day 
after it was written, and appears to have pardoned 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



203 



the singular freedom which Luther took. Lest the 
Reformer's warmth, however, should carry him too 
far, and lead him to measures injurious to himself, 
the elector commissioned Schurff to converse with 
him and to treat him kindly. No notice was taken 
of the letter which we have just quoted; and it was 
merely proposed that Luther should address to the 
elector such a statement as might be fit to be shown 
to others. It was to contain a plain enumeration of 
his reasons for returning to Wittemberg ; adding that 
the step was taken without the elector's knowledge, 
and was meant to injure no one. It was farther to 
be understood that Luther was not to preach in the 
great church of Wittemberg. To all this the Re- 
former assented, and assigned, in the letter, three 
reasons for his return to Wittemberg — the invitation 
of the ecclesiastics and inhabitants of that city ; the 
trouble in which his flock was involved ; and, lastly^ 
the confusion which he apprehended might arise in 
Germany in consequence of the imprudent conduct 
of some of his adherents. He took care, however, to 
subjoin the significant remark, that he should be un- 
der no apprehension were the contents of his former 
letter to be made known to the public. 

Luther's return to Wittemberg gave occasion to 
lively demonstrations of joy, the learned and un- 
learned partaking equally in the general exultation. 
Various reasons induced him to lose no time in ex- 
pressing his sentiments on the commotions which 
had occurred in his absence. He therefore stated 
explicitly, in seven separate discourses, his opinion 
on the controverted points. After insinuating that 
the weak should be treated with kindness, and that 
hasty measures were contrary to the spirit of the 



204 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Gospel, he proceeded in a strain which was chiefly 
remarkable as indicative of his remaining attachment 
to several of the superstitious customs of the church 
of Rome. He was not yet prepared for the abolition 
of public mass, and consented to the disuse of private 
mass, from a sense, not of the folly inherent in the 
institution, but of the abuses which had crept into its 
practice. In expatiating on the evils of compulsory 
proceedings, he made a direct allusion to his having 
had it in his power to excite a tumult at Worms, had 
he chosen to render the emperor's stay there uncom- 
fortable. In regard to images, he thought that, if not 
worshipped in churches, they might have been tole- 
rated there, had not the excessive abuses introduced 
in regard to them rendered their removal expedient. 
The question of fasting, or abstaining from flesh, he 
left to every man's option. In treating of admission 
to the Lord's supper, he expatiated on the necessity 
of a pious preparation, faith above all being indispen- 
sable, and that without which no one could be a 
worthy partaker of the ordinance. He concluded 
these discourses with what appears, in our age, a 
singular recommendation, — the utility of practising 
confession to priests. 

While we praise the modesty with which Luther 
submitted to advise, where he might, in a certain 
measure, have commanded, it is obvious that his 
views on some important doctrines were still obscure. 
Several of his disciples, among others Carolostad, 
were more exempt from prejudice in particular points, 
however inferior on a comprehensive comparison of 
their attainments. Whether it was owing to the per- 
plexity of these intricate discussions, or to alarm at 
the dissensions which he saw springing up among the 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 205 



reformed, certain it is that Luther was at this time a 
prey to many painful fluctuations. The divisions 
among his followers caused him much more vexation 
than the avowed hostility of the church of Rome; 
and the alternations of confidence and despondence, 
which prevailed in his mind, are distinctly to be traced 
in documents which still remain. In a letter to his 
friend Langus, an ecclesiastic of Erfurt, he writes, 

" I am not permitted to come to you, nor is it 
lawful to tempt God and unnecessarily to court dan- 
gers, since here at Wittemberg I must lay my account 
with a sufficient number — I, who have been excom- 
municated by the pope, put under the ban of the em- 
pire, exposed to death on every side, protected by 
none but God."* About the same time, in writing 
to the elector, he thus expressed himself : ■" I am of 
opinion that the opposition or kindness of your High- 
ness, and even the hatred of the whole world, ought 
to be to me only secondary considerations in the 
present peculiar circumstances of the church. Your 
Highness is master of my body and of my destiny in 
this world, but Christ is the Lord of souls. The 
gospel which I preach, has, I am assured, its origin 
from God, and by God's grace no death or persecu- 
tion shall wrest it from me. Neither cruelty nor ter- 
ror can extinguish this light." f 

Of his various subjects of disquietude, one of the 
principal continued to proceed from the vehement 
temper of his friend Carolostad. The latter is repre- 
sented to have made light of all classical education, 
and to have maintained that the Scriptures alone 
should be studied in universities. In the same spirit 
of innovation, he is said to have been an advocate for 



* Seckend. p. 2Q0. 



f Ibid. p. 19-6- 



2u6 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



abrogating such honorary distinctions as the degrees 
of " Master of Arts and of Doctor." Nor did he find 
it easy to bring Luther fully into his opinion, that 
" at the Lord's supper it was necessary for the com- 
municants to partake of the wine as well as of the 
bread." So minute were the causes of division of 
opinion on this subject, that serious disputes arose on 
the question, whether the communicants should take 
the bread and cup into their own hands, or receive 
them from those of the priest. 

It was about this time that Luther had occasion to 
write to the Bohemians. They were beginning, he 
heard, to waver in their favourable disposition to- 
wards the new creed, in consequence of the divisions 
arising among its followers. He argued strongly, 
that to return to the church of Rome was not the 
way to escape the evils of discussion, since no com- 
munion was more distracted by multiplicity of schisms. 
Indefatigable in his labours against the papacy, he 
soon after published a work, entitled, Adversus falsb 
nominatum ordinem Episcoporum. It is of impor- 
tance to remark, that the persons attacked were only 
those " falsely called bishops," Luther never having 
entertained any doubt of the divine origin of the epis- 
copal office. It was at the intellectual and moral 
defects of the occupants of the station, and not at the 
station itself, that he aimed the shafts of censure. 
Whoever is acquainted with the history of that pe- 
riod, must be fully aware that ample scope was given 
him by the vices and ignorance of the bishops. Lu- 
ther exposed, with no sparing hand, their indecent 
luxury, their unbounded vanity, and their gross igno- 
rance of Scripture and religion. Seldom has there ap- 
peared a more successful attack ; and numerous as 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523, 20? 



were the parties interested in its refutation, no satis- 
factory answer could be given to it. It is, in my 
opinion, the happiest of all his polemical works, and 
contains a most striking illustration of the tendency 
of monastic institutions to propagate dissolute man- 
ners. — Having now been deprived of his sacerdotal 
character, and stripped of his doctor's degree, by the 
excommunication of the pope and emperor, Luther 
contented himself with assuming the simple designa- 
tion of " Ecclesiastes " or " Preacher.' 5 

The next of his numerous publications was a small 
treatise, entitled De Doctrinis hominum vitandis. 
This may be considered an abridgment of his former 
book on " Monastic Vows." In both works he argues 
against the merit of fasting and celibacy, but, in the 
latter, he takes occasion to pass a strong censure on 
those who, like his friend Carolostad, were advancing 
too fast in the race of innovation. " Let these for- 
ward men," he says, " who boast of their reformation 
because they have ceased to resort to confession, and, 
have relinquished abstinence from eggs and flesh, or 
because they have gone the length of breaking down 
images ; let these persons know that I account them 
similar to those, who, contrary to the command, 
(Deut. xxiii. 12. 14.) polluted the camp of the Is- 
raelites. We tolerate them until they be corrected 
by God ; but my writings are intended for the mise- 
rable, afflicted, and as it were captive consciences of 
those who know not how to exonerate themselves, 
without self-reproach, from their vows." 

A production from the pen of Melancthon was the 
next publication on the side of the reformed. Lu- 
ther, having procured a manuscript commentary of 
his unassuming friend on the Epistle to the Romans, 



208 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

caused it to be printed without his knowledge, and 
afterwards wrote to him that he preferred his labours 
to those of Jerome and Origen. He likewise pub- 
lished an edition of the works of Gensevoit, a. native 
of Groningen in Friezland, who flourished in the fif- 
teenth century, and ventured, above fifty years before 
Luther, to step forward as a, censor of the corruptions 
of the church, publishing his works under the assumed 
name of Wesselus.* 

Questions of doctrine and moral conduct had hi- 
therto so much occupied Luther, as to prevent him 
from bestowing sufficient attention on the ritual of 
the church. The ordinance of baptism continued to 
be administered with the service in Latin. Luther 
translated the service into German, but, by way of 
discouraging hasty innovation, he retained for a time 
the chief part of the Romish ceremonies, ridiculous as 
they were. The exorcism performed by the priest 
breathing three times on the child, the practice of put- 
ting salt into the child's mouth, of touching the ears 
and nose with consecrated oil, of putting a small mi- 
tre on the head and wax candle into the hand, along 
with the sign of the cross in the forehead, were all 
continued by Luther during the short remaining pe- 
riod of Frederick's government. The elector had 
not acceded to the wish of his senate to patronise the 
diffusion of the new doctrine, and it was not till two 
years after, and under the more decided government 

* This eminent person was born in 1400 and died in 1489. 
His learning was such as to gain him the appellation of " light of 
the world." His character is given in Mosheim, vol. iii. p. 257, 
and an abridgment of his work is inserted in Seckendorff, p. 226. 
Luther had not seen his book when he commenced his attack on 
Indulgences, though his enemies insisted that he had. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 209 



of his brother and successor, John, that Luther re- 
vised the ritual of baptism, and abrogated all these 
superfluous forms, except exorcism and the sign of 
the cross. 

The Catholics meanwhile continued to exert them- 
selves with the different princes of the empire, to op- 
pose the progress of the new heresy. They were 
unfortunately too successful in their efforts with 
several of them, particularly with Luther's inveterate 
enemy, George, duke of Saxony. Leipsic was the 
chief theatre for the display of these persecutions. 
The early introduction of the Reformation into that 
city, the celebrated disputation between Luther and 
Eckius, but particularly Luther's translation of the 
New Testament, all concurred to create a partiality 
for the new doctrines. The bigoted George proceed- 
ed to buy up the copies of this translation, and to in- 
flict punishment on those of his subjects who ventured 
to retain them. At his instigation the bishop of Mers- 
burg visited the university of Leipsic, and interdicted 
the use of this obnoxious translation, a prohibition 
soon followed by an injunction to avoid repairing to 
the neighbouring territory of the elector Frederick, 
for the purpose of hearing religious discourses. — 
These measures, however, were altogether ineffica- 
cious. The youth, impatient of restraint, deserted 
the university of Leipsic, and resorted, in great 
numbers, to Wittemberg. — The other persecutors of 
the reformed faith were Henry of Brunswick and 
Ferdinand, the emperor's brother. The scene of 
their oppression was laid in the Austrian dominions 
and in the duchy of Wurtemburg.* In the month of 
October the Augustinian monastery at Antwerp, 

* Sieid. iii. Seckend. p. 240v 

2D 



210 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



and all the monks who had befen instrumental in 
the diffusion of Luther's doctrine, were either forced 
to recant or put to death. 

Notwithstanding the hostile disposition of duke 
George of Saxony, Luther ventured to pass through 
his territory in his way to Zwickau. That town was 
at three days journey from Wittemberg, and it has 
been supposed that Luther, who had now acquired a 
powerful influence over the minds of men, went thi- 
ther by Frederick's desire to tranquillize certain dis- 
contents which had arisen. Be that as it may, his 
fame had gone before him, and strangers, to the 
number, it is said, of fourteen thousand, were col- 
lected to hear him. The points on which he chose 
to discourse were predestination, the merit of good 
works, and the lawfulness of the marriage of the 
clergy. He was heard with the greatest attention, 
and the multitude were so much struck with his ar- 
guments on the last of these topics, that they actually 
obliged the Franciscan monks, who were resident, 
there, to withdraw from the city and neighbour- 
hood. 



It is now time to turn our eyes towards the court 
of Rome. On the death of Leo, an extraordinary 
degree of competition took place among the parties 
who were interested in nominating his successor. 
All the artifice and finesse, which are practised by 
men grown grey in intrigue, were exerted ; but the 
party of the emperor Charles prevailed. The indi- 
vidual chosen was, in point of personal character, by 
no means the man whom the public would have ex- 
pected to see advanced to the papacy in times of so 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



211 



much difficulty and alarm. His name was Adrian, 
and he had filled the office of tutor to Charles. His 
promotion to the rank of cardinal had been compara- 
tively recent. It had taken place in July, 1517, at 
the time when Leo, having got notice of a combina- 
tion against him in the conclave, created no fewer 
than thirty-one cardinals in one day. Adrian was 
thus, in a great measure, a stranger to the manoeuvres 
of ecclesiastical policy. In early life, he had attached 
himself to the study of scholastic theology. Being a 
native of Utrecht, he had, from vicinity of situation 
as well as congeniality of pursuits, been intimate with 
Erasmus. Catholic writers, aware of this, and un- 
willing to acknowledge the preponderance of political 
intrigue in the conclave, allege that Adrian's supe- 
riority in learning was the great motive of his nomi- 
nation. The times, they said, called for a pope fa- 
miliar with the weapons of controversy. Doctis he- 
reticis doctiorem se opponere dicebant pontificem* 

If we find a difficulty in subscribing to so lofty an 
encomium on Adrian's erudition, we can have none 
in ascribing to him the merit of good intentions. His 
measures against the reformed, severe as they were, 
seem rather to have arisen from errors of judgment 
than from a disposition to tyrannize. His first step 
in this respect was to write to Frederick, on October 
5, 1522, in terms of high compliment to the well 
known orthodoxy of the elector and his ancestors. 
The letter might have been called a repetition of one 
of Leo's epistles, had it not contained a reference to 
Adrian's intimacy with the elector before he was 
raised to the papal chair, and an assurance that his 
friendship had undergone no abatement. It was car- 

* Seckend. p. 252, 



212 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



ried to Frederick at the Diet assembled at Nurem- 
berg, where prince Ferdinand presided as regent, 
during his brother's absence in Spain. The pope's 
agent at this diet was Francis Cheregato, a skilful 
diplomatist. Neither his intrigues, however, nor the 
letter to Frederick, promising any successful result, 
recourse was had to an address, in the name of the 
pope, to the assembled princes of the empire. 

This address was accordingly delivered to the Diet 
on 25th November, and the Reformation was handled 
in it in a tone which forms a curious contrast with 
the letter to Frederick. No means, it is said, had 
been left untried to reclaim the new heretics, and to 
guard the Lord's people from a contagion which 
threatened to " overthrow^ property and dissolve the 
bands which unite civil society." 

The drift of this language was to identify the in- 
terests of the civil power with those of the church, 
and to spread among princes that alarm which hither- 
to had been felt only by ecclesiastics. With a ran- 
cour which no provocation could justify, the sacrifice 
of Luther's life is represented in this address as a 
meritorious deed. The fate of Korah, Dathan, and 
Abiram, of Ananias and Sapphira, is brought forward 
with as much solemnity as if the decision of the pope 
were equivalent to the interposition of God. The 
examples of perfidy exercised towards John Huss 
and Jerome of Prague, are appealed to without any 
sense of shame. This violent manifesto was followed 
by equally violent anathemas against Luther's books. 

These declamations are so much at variance with 
Adrian's character, that we are induced to regard 
him on this occasion as a passive instrument in the 
hands of his counsellors. In other things we are 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 213 



enabled to trace the prevalence of his personal quali- 
ties. He was not only more sincere than his prede- 
cessors, but better qualified to judge of the extent of 
present corruption by a knowledge of the history of 
the church in her purer days. Neither Julius nor Leo 
understood or cared for church discipline, except in 
as far as it was connected with the prosecution of 
their political schemes. But Adrian made no scruple 
in acknowledging, in his instructions to his legate, 
Cheregato, that extraordinary and manifold corrup- 
tions had crept into the church. His communication 
on this head is not a little remarkable : 

" Many abominable things," he said, " have been 
committed in this holy chair for several years past. — 
Abuses in spiritual things, excesses in the mandates 
given, and, in fine, every thing changed for the worse. 
No wonder, therefore, that sickness should descend 
from the head to the members, from the elevated pon- 
tiffs to inferior prelates. In what relates to us, you 
will therefore promise, that we shall do our endea- 
vours, that our court, from which perhaps all this 
evil has proceeded, undergo a speedy reform. If 
corruption has of late flowed from it, sound doctrine 
and reformation shall now proceed from the same 
source. To this we shall account ourselves the more 
obliged to attend, as the whole world appears most 
ardently to desire the accomplishment of such a re- 
form. I have accepted the pontificate, that I might 
reform the spouse of Christ, assist the neglected and 
oppressed, and appropriate to the learned and virtu- 
ous the money which has of late been squandered 
on grooms and stage-players,"* 

Candid as was the disposition of Adrian, his ac- 

* Seckend. p. 255. Sleid. L. iv. 



214 THE LIFE OF LUTJHER, 



knovvledgments conveyed but a feeble picture of the 
disorders of the church. The ecclesiastical profes- 
sion had long been followed throughout Europe, but 
particularly in Italy and Germany, as a mere trade. 
The younger sons of families of rank were provided 
with the richest benefices, without any regard to their 
morals or education. It often happened that persons 
in the station of bishops, were novices in the know- 
ledge of religion. The clergy arrogated, notwith- 
standing, as many privileges and immunities as if 
they had been beings of a higher order. They re- 
fused to be tried by the same laws as the laity, while 
the possessions of the church were declared to be un- 
alienable, and could not of course fail to be in a regu- 
lar state of increase. The popes, having usurped the 
patronage of ecclesiastical appointments throughout 
a great part of Europe, were enabled to introduce 
emissaries in all directions, and to keep the whole 
ecclesiastical body in a state of expectation and de- 
pendence. On many occasions, the preferments to 
livings were publicly sold ; and it has been said, that 
companies of dealers were known to buy them by 
wholesale at Rome to be subsequently retailed, at an 
advanced price, in the provinces. Among priests of 
a lower order, the want of education and of morals 
was notorious. For a proof of this we need go no 
farther than the proposition submitted to the Diet of 
Nuremberg, a twelvemonth after the time we are 
treating of. This proposition came from a quarter 
friendly to the church, and gravely recommended 
that priests should be prohibited from " meddling in 
traffic, from frequenting taverns, and from keeping 
concubines." 

The confessions of Adrian were too important to 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 215 



escape the observation of Luther. He lost no time 
in translating them into German, and in publishing 
them with his own remarks.* Among the adherents 
of the papacy these extraordinary acknowledgments 
of Adrian could hardly fail to give great offence. 
However well informed in regard to the vices of ec- 
clesiastical dignitaries, he showed himself unconscious 
of their obstinacy, and of that unblushing hypocrisy 
which induced them to hold out the conduct of the 
members of the church as wholly devoid of blame. 

These explicit acknowledgments of Adrian were 
followed by a still more explicit declaration on the 
part of the princes of the empire. They had long 
been sufferers by the vices and exactions of the cler- 
gy, and they embraced the present opportunity of a 
threatened schism, and of the accession of a new 
pope, to make a strong representation of their case. 
Hence the origin of the Centum Gravamina, or cele- 
brated catalogue of one hundred grievances, drawn 
up at this Diet for the purpose of being transmitted 
to Rome. The princes here enumerated the gross 
corruptions, in doctrine as well as in conduct, of the 
members of the church, and insisted on the necessity 
of speedy reform. These things they neither could 
nor would suffer any longer, but were driven by the 
iniquity of the case, to devise means by which they 
might be relieved from them. They proposed to his 
Holiness to assemble a general Council in some part 
of Germany, while they, in the mean time, should 
endeavour to prevail on Frederick to prevent Luther 
from publishing any thing until the decision of the 
Council should be known. They declared, however. 



* Sleid. L. iv. 



216 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



the necessity of carrying the edict of Worms into 
effect, and desired that those who preached the new 
doctrine should be provisionally suspended in the ex- 
ercise of their functions.* 

On the receipt of this memorable remonstrance, 
Cheregato became sensible that Adrian's instructions 
had admitted too much. He demanded, as a kind of 
counterpoise, the adoption on the part of the Diet of 
new measures against the reformed, and on failing to 
obtain their consent, he left Nuremberg in anger and 
without taking leave. He returned forthwith to Italy 
and joined the faction opposed to Adrian, to whom 
the compliment so grossly misapplied to Leo, of being 
a " lamb in the midst of wolves," might be very justly 
addressed. The cardinals, offended at the instruc- 
tions given to the legate, imagined that the best me- 
thod of correcting that imprudent measure, was to 
prevail on the pontiff to write a letter to the elector 
of Saxony, expressed, as far as regarded Luther, in 
very violent terms. At the same time, Adrian, seri- 
ously believing that the balance of sound reasoning 
was altogether in favour of the church, - ascribed the 
want of success on the part of the Catholics to their 
unskilfulness in handling the weapons of controversy. 
Under this impression, he appointed Faber, suffragan 
of Constance, to harangue against Luther's doctrines, 
and to counteract their progress by a strenuous dis- 
play of argument. 

The injunction by the Diet to suspend preaching 
on controverted topics till the convocation of a gene- 
ral Council, was differently explained by Luther and 
by the Catholics. The chief point was to define the 



* Frederick protested against this. Seckend. 260. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 217 

doctrine coming under this description. The Catho- 
lics laid stress on the authority of Thomas, Scotus, 
and other scholastic doctors ; while Luther refused 
attention to these obsolete luminaries, and founded 
his interpretations on the writings of Augustine, Cy- 
prian, and Hilary. Were the notions of the former 
admitted, there would, he argued, be no necessity for 
holding the required Council. — In regard to the pub- 
lication of obnoxious books, persons had been ap- 
pointed, in consequence of an Imperial edict, to su- 
perintend the press. The Catholics wished to include 
in the proscription Luther's translation of the Bible, 
but the Reformer contended that no personal excep- 
tion to him should be allowed to restrain the circula- 
tion of the word of God. 

The death of one of Luther's patrons, Seckingen, 
having taken place, his papers happened to fall into 
hands inimical to Luther. Eberhard, count of Ko- 
nigstein, boasted that he had found among them a 
letter from Luther, which contained expressions dis- 
respectful to the emperor, and tending to promote 
insurrection in the empire. Of this Luther's ene- 
mies contrived to make a great handle, which, joined 
to some other alarming considerations, made his 
friends advise him to submit again to a secret con- 
finement. To such recommendations, however, he 
gave a decided negative. " Let Behemoth rage," 
said he, " I will withdraw no more into a corner." 

Prince Ferdinand of Austria, the emperor's bro- 
ther, continued to declare himself an inveterate ene- 
my to Luther's doctrine. The queen of Denmark, 
his sister, having, when passing through Saxony 
along with her husband, sent for Luther, and having 

2E 



218 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



listened to his discourse, Ferdinand was heard to de- 
clare, that he would sooner have learnt that his sis- 
ter had perished in the sea than conversed with such 
a heretic. King Christieru, however, was of a very 
different way of thinking. " Never," said he, " have I 
heard the gospel so well explained as by Luther. So 
long as I continue to live, I shall hold his discourse 
in remembrance, and shall submit with greater pa- 
tience to whatever I am destined to endure." * 

The conduct of our Henry VIII. was more in the 
spirit of Ferdinand than of Christiern. His vanity 
and impatience could ill brook the triumphant and 
sarcastic tone displayed in Luther's answer. Urged 
by his ministers to oppose the progress of the Refor- 
mation, he came forward and declared it improper to 
bring the Scriptures within reach of the common 
people. He exerted himself accordingly to prevent 
the diffusion of Luther's translation, and addressed 
letters to that effect to the elector Frederick, to his 
brother John, and to George, duke of Saxony. 
George, who was exceedingly eager to suppress the 
circulation of the translation of the Bible, returned a 
very cordial answer, and lamented that Luther was 
not within his jurisdiction. Frederick and his bro- 
ther, between whom the utmost cordiality always 
subsisted, replied in the same evasive style as they 
had adopted on former occasions. They attempted 
to sooth the violent Henry, and were not altogether 
unsuccessful, though they were a good deal offended 
at the freedom taken by the English ambassador in 
publishing Henry's letter in Saxony before they had 
received a copy of it. 

* Seckend. p. 263, 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 219 



But the injury to the cause of the Reformation from 
the opposition of particular cabinets, was greatly out- 
weighed by the advantages attendant on the general 
circulation of the Scriptures. The obstacles thrown 
in the way tended to redouble the zeal of the advo- 
cates of translations of Scripture. Many persons ac- 
counted it honourable to devote themselves to preach- 
ing and commenting on the sacred volume.* They 
were more particularly occupied in demonstrating 
the analogy of Luther's doctrine to the precepts of 
Scripture, and their ministrations were received with 
great joy by the people. In the zeal of the age, all 
methods of disseminating religious knowledge appear 
to have been embraced. Persons who had a poetical 
turn composed hymns and sacred ballads, to be put 
into the hands of poor people, who made a livelihood 
by singing them through the country. One cannot 
well imagine a more effectual method of rendering 
Scripture history familiar to the minds of the lower 
orders. Among the persons who exerted themselves 
in turning such subjects into verse was Paul Spretter, 
a man of rank from Suabia, who was indefatigable 
in forwarding the Lutheran cause in Prussia. On 
one of the occasions on which he had turned into 
verse the subject of his discourse, it is related, that 
the poor man who received the printed copies of the 
rhymes, repaired to Wittemberg, and in the course of 
his progress through the town, sung them under Lu- 
ther's window. The attention of the Reformer was 
caught by the subject ; he listened with pleasure to 

* The names of the more remarkable among these preachers 
are to be seen in Seckend. p. 270. 



220 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



the song, and when, on inquiry, he learned the name 
of its author, he is said to have burst into tears, and 
rendered thanks to God for making such humble ex- 
pedients conducive to the propagation of sacred truth.* 
By this time, the diffusion of a spirit of liberty 
had induced many Augustinian monks to withdraw 
from an unnatural state of seclusion and an inactive 
life. This, though strongly censured by the Catho- 
lics, had ceased in the case of the male sex to be 
matter of surprise. But in the spring of this year, 
the public attention had been excited by a different 
circumstance. Nine nuns effected their escape from 
the convent of Nimptschen, near to Grimma. They 
were assisted in this by Leonard Coppe, a senator of 
Torgau, as well as by other respectable citizens. 
They were all of genteel families, and among the 
number was Catherine de Bora, who became, two 
years afterwards, the wife of Luther. This unex- 
pected evasion surprised all parties, and supplied a 
great handle of declamation against Luther's doc- 
trine. Frederick, when requested to provide for the 
support of these female refugees, until* they should be 
sent back to their parents, thought proper to give his 
aid in secret. Other persons imitated his caution, 
but Luther spoke boldly out, and decidedly under- 
took the defence of the nuns, as well as of those 
who had aided them in effecting their escape. He 
blamed, in very severe terms, those parents who 
were guilty of so great a crime as to immure their 
children in a convent, without consulting their incli- 

* Seckend. 271. The word ballad in our language originally 
signified a sacred song. Thus in the old translations of the Bible, 
Solomon's Song is called the Ballad of Ballads. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



221 



nation, or considering the grievous nature of the 
yoke imposed on them.* 

Luther had long experienced difficulty and vexa- 
tion from the conduct of many of the canons in the 
Wittemberg monastery. Their adherence to private 
mass and other absurd ceremonies of the Romish 
church, their habits of idleness and vice, were griev- 
ances not to be overcome by the power of reasoning. 
By degrees, however, as the elder brethren died, the 
juniors adopted the new doctrine. Such was now 
the alteration of opinion in respect to the monastic 
vow, that the abbot of Heisfeld, although he con- 
tinued a Catholic himself, left the monks and nuns 
at perfect liberty to quit the monastery if they 
thought proper. Linccius, vicar of the Augustinians 
at Nuremberg, and Luther's early friend, relinquished 
that situation and came to Altenburg, where he en- 
tered into the married state and became the pastor of 
a congregation. 

The Bohemian dissenters from the Romish church, 
though not exactly coincident in opinion with Lu- 
ther, looked towards him with a friendly and res- 
pectful eye. In the course of this year, they had 
occasion to communicate with him on two subjects. 
The first regarded the sacrament, and was discussed 
by a deputation to the Reformer from a particular 
sect, descended from the disciples of Huss, and 
known by the name of " Picards." In their verbal 
conferences with Luther on the subject of the sacra- 
ment, there seemed to exist little difference of opi- 
nion ; but on a subsequent examination of their 

* Seckend. 272, et seq, Not long after, sixteen nuns deserted, 
under similar circumstances, the convent at Widerstetten in the 
county of Mansfeld. 



222 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



doctrine expressed in writing, Luther was induced to 
state to them a series of contrary arguments, which 
are marked, we must confess, with the ordinary ob- 
scurity of his views on this subject.* 

The next topic of discussion was more general, 
and comprehended the Bohemian schismatics at 
large. These well-intentioned religionists laid great 
stress on what may be termed the " lineal descent 
of ministers of the gospel." Though at variance in 
several respects with the See of Rome, they consi- 
dered the pope as the successor of the apostles, and 
were desirous that their pastors should receive or- 
dination at the hands of him or his subordinates. 
Their differences with the church regarded the irre- 
gular lives of the clergy, and the impurity of cer- 
tain points of doctrine; objections which, however 
serious, did not, in their opinion, affect the pope's 
right of ordination. But the Catholic bishops in 
Bohemia, inveterate against the schismatics for va- 
rious reasons, but particularly for the grand offence 
of giving the cup to the laity at the administration 
of the sacrament, refused to be the instruments of 
granting the desired ordination to their ministers. 
The latter accordingly were under the painful neces- 
sity of submitting to a journey to Rome; where, 
as every thing was venal, they were accustomed to 
get their wish accomplished on payment of stipulated 
fees. 

On this subject the senate of Prague had recourse 
to Luther's advice. His answer was, that they 
should unanimously resist these exactions, and if 
there were no means by which such fatiguing and 
disgusting journeys could be rendered unnecessary, 

* See Appendix B B. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 223 



it would, in his opinion, be much better that they 
remained without ministers of religion. Fathers of 
families, he added, might read the gospel to their 
household and baptize children, though they durst 
not, or could not, take the eucharist during the 
Whole course of their lives. A neighbourhood might 
associate together, and if they exercised faith and 
charity, they might rest assured, that Christ was in 
the midst of them, though they had no one present 
who had been anointed with oil. Soon after this 
Luther published a treatise, in which he attempted 
to prove, from reason and Scripture, the right pos- 
sessed by Christians to judge of doctrines, to ap- 
point individuals to the office of ministers, or to 
depose them if they became unfaithful. He went 
farther, and declared it the right of every respect- 
able Christian to act as minister whenever there ap- 
peared a deficiency of regular clergymen. The lati- 
tude of Luther's tenets, in these respects, has been 
warmly opposed by episcopalians, and as vigorously 
supported by other denominations of Christians. 
To enter on a discussion of the controversy would 
be altogether unsuitable to the plan of this work, 
but it may be proper to observe, that the length to 
^ which Luther went in declaring every Christian 
competent to perform clerical duties, may be sup- 
posed to have been in some measure prompted by 
the urgency of circumstances in the peculiar situa- 
tion of the Bohemians.* 

* These sentiments of Luther lead us to advert to the a Inde- 
pendents " in our country. Of these the first were the Brown- 
ists, a sect which has been much misrepresented by persons who 
have not taken the trouble to peruse what the defenders of that 



224 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Luther's next collision was with his former oppo- % 
nent, George, duke of Saxony. That prince having 
got into his possession some letters which had been 
written by Luther to a friend, named Croneberg, 
was highly offended at the free animadversions which 
they contained on his own conduct. In an indig- 
nant tone he demanded of Luther in writing, whe- 
ther he acknowledged himself the author of these 
letters. Luther, without any direct admission to 
that effect, replied to the duke in a style of great 
freedom. He declared that he had written nothing 
about the duke which he was not ready to defend on 
good grounds ; repeated the charge of his being un- 
merciful and disposed to accredit falsehoods ; but 

system have advanced. Ains worth, the celebrated commentator 
on the Pentateuch, was a Brownist. The learning, judgment 
and ingenuity which he discovers in all his works, as well as his 
extraordinary knowledge of the Scriptures, ought to induce those, 
who make no scruple of profiting by his labours, and of allowing 
him extraordinary merit as a commentator, to hesitate, whether 
a man of his character was likely to associate himself with 
such persons as some have described the. Brownists. The best 
account, as far as it goes, which I have seen of that sect, is pre- 
fixed to Ainsworth's Treatise on the Communion, published at 
Edinburgh by Dr. Charles Stuart, in 1789. The errors of Neale 
and others are there corrected by a reference to the works in * 
which the different controversies are discussed. In the same 
train of thinking followed Dr. John Owen, who may be con- 
sidered the chief founder of what is called the Independents in 
England. Sir Peter King, in his " Inquiry into the Constitu- 
tion, Discipline, 'Unity, and Worship, of the Primitive Church," 
adopted a similar system ; and one of the persons who, in late 
years, approached nearest to the sentiments of Luther, was 
Principal George Campbell, of Aberdeen, in his lectures on 
ecclesiastical history. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



225 



added, that he would pray for him, though an 
enemy, and would not be wanting in respectful be- 
haviour, although he stood in no dread of bulls. 
Albert, count of Mansfeld, having soon after con- 
versed with Luther, and urged him to pacify the 
duke by a milder reply, the Reformer made an- 
swer, " That were it not to impair the glory of the 
gospel, he would willingly declare himself the de- 
voted slave of that prince and of every personal 
enemy, as became a Christian ; that the count was 
at liberty to promise every thing to the duke, pro- 
vided he would desist from persecuting the word of 
God ; but unless that was agreed to, he was de- 
termined to take no step to appease the duke's fury 
and blindness." 

Nearly about this time, Louis, the young king 
of Hungary and Bohemia, was stimulated to declare 
himself on the same side as duke George. He ad- 
dressed a letter to the elector Frederick, advising 
him to withdraw his protection from Luther, be- 
•cause he had defamed the Christians and extolled 
the Turks. Frederick replied with his usual com- 
posure, assuring him that none of the things of 
which he complained were protected in his princi- 
pality, and insinuated that it must have been Lu- 
ther's enemies who had calumniated him. This 
youthful sovereign was not destined to arrive at the 
age in which he might have proved either an ef- 
fectual friend or enemy of the Reformation, being 
killed in 1526, at the battle of Mohatz against the 
Turks, in his twenty-second year. 

I have now the painful task of adverting to a melan- 
choly example of the cruelty of the persecutors of the 

2F 



226 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



Reformed. Though in Germany their hatred did 
not go the length of inflicting capital punishments, 
the case of the Netherlands was very different, 
Jerome Aleander the pope's nuncio, and his cruel 
associates, Nicholas Egmond, a Carmelite, and 
James Hoogstraaten, a Dominican, with other 
monks of Louvain and Mechlin, acted an unrelenting 
part toward the protestants, and were supported in 
their nefarious proceedings by Margaret, the regent 
and sister of the emperor Charles, as well as by the 
imperial magistrates. The first victims in the cause 
of Lutheranism were two Augustinian monks of 
Antwerp, named Henry Voes and John Esch. 
While in prison they were treated with alternate 
lenity and severity, and every effort was tried to 
induce them to recant, but no length of confine- 
ment or extent of suffering could shake their con- 
stancy. A resolution was finally taken to commit 
them to the flames, after divesting them of their 
office of priest, since no one holding that rank could 
be made the object of an ignoble punishment. 
They were both brought to the stake. at Brussels on 
1st July, 1522, and endured the dreadful punish- 
ment, not only with patience but with exultation. 
Henry, the younger of the two, was a very inte- 
resting character. He openly declared that he pre- 
ferred reading the Scripture with Luther's com- 
mentary, to all the decrees of pontiffs or decisions of 
doctors. The pope, he affirmed, was not consti- 
tuted by Christ his vicar upon earth, but merely 
his servant to preach and to tend his flock. True 
faith, he added, cannot be separated from charity, 
because charity is the effect of faith, and without 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 



227 



charity faith is dead. His persecutors endeavour- 
ing to attach to Luther the whole blame of these he- 
retical tenets, he freely admitted that he had come 
to the knowledge of the truth by means of Luther's 
writings. On their blaming him as one who had 
been seduced by Luther, he gave this memorable 
reply, " I have been seduced by him as the Apostles 
were by Christ." 

The fate of these victims was a signal to Luther 
and his friends, of the lot that awaited them when- 
ever the church should be in possession of a favour- 
able opportunity. The awful prospect formed a 
powerful bond of confirmation in their belief, and 
in their mutual attachment. Luther celebrated the 
fall of these martyrs in a hymn which long conti- 
nued to be sung in the churches of Germany, and 
which has been published in various collections of 
hymns of modern date. He wrote likewise a letter 
of condolence to the brethren in Holland, Brabant, 
and Flanders, and inserted in it a most animating 
and affecting account of the death and behaviour of 
the victims. 

Notwithstanding the increasing popularity of his 
cause, this year proved a season of much anxiety 
to Luther. Like the great Apostle of the Gentiles, 
he might say that the care of all the churches came 
on him daily. Many who were favourable to his 
cause had very indistinct conceptions of his doc- 
trine, and imagined that their doubts could be 
solved only by application to the fountain head. 
Hence innumerable applications, both personally 
and by letter, to Luther. To this was added a 
heavy demand on his time for the consolation of 
friends in affliction. The pressure of such an ac- 



228 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



cumulation of tasks became almost too great for a 
constitution which had never been strong. His 
vexations were aggravated by what appeared to him 
languor and indifference on the part of the elector 
Frederick, as well as by the embarrassment attend- 
ant on straitened circumstances. Yet his confidence 
in God made him bear patiently with adversity, and 
his disposition was so generous, that on receiving 
presents from those friends who perceived his dis- 
tress, he frequently bestowed them on the poor. 
On one occasion, after receiving a small donation 
from the court, he wrote to Spalatin, " My re- 
lations at Mansfeld have extracted it from me. I 
do not wish to have any more lest I be deprived of 
it, I ought in truth to have nothing." * 

The name of Cochlaeus has been already men- 
tioned as hostile to the cause of Luther. This per- 
son was chaplain to George, duke of Saxony, and 
afterward dean of the collegiate church of Frank- 
fort. Pertinacious in his opposition, he omitted no 
opportunity of encountering the new doctrines, and 
even stooped to the base expedient of inventing 
falsehoods for the personal detraction of Luther. 
It was he who, many years after, fabricated the 
story of Luther having undertaken his opposition 
to Tetzel from a selfish feeling towards his own 
Order. Indeed, after the rough manner in which 
Luther handled him, during this year in parti- 
cular, we need hardly wonder at his proceeding an 
extraordinary length at a time when the Reformer 
was no longer capable of contradicting his alle- 
gations^ 

* See Appendix CC. t See Appendix DD. 



YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 229 



Among the more respectable opponents of the 
Reformation, I must not omit the name of John 
Fisher, bishop of Rochester. This sincere and re- 
ligious member of the church impugned Luther's 
theses, and wrote a treatise against the Reformer, 
in vindication of that sovereign who was one day to 
make him the victim of his constancy in adhering 
to the catholic faith. 



230 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



CHAPTER IX. 

YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



IT is now time to direct our attention to the pro- 
ceedings of the court of Rome. The virtuous but 
inexperienced Adrian had paid the debt of nature on 
the 14th September, 1523. Short as his administra- 
tion had been, he had seen enough to make him 
lament his elevation to the pontificate, and cast a 
wishful eye to the happiness of private life. His 
plain habits and antipathy to ostentation prevented 
him from being popular among the Italians, who 
had been dazzled by the luxury and splendour of his 
predecessor Leo. His death gave occasion, as usual, 
to strong contentions of interest in the conclave. At 
last, Julius of Medicis was elected in the end of No- 
vember, and assumed the name of Clement VII. 
His character formed a complete contrast to that of 
Adrian, for he had been formed to business during 
the pontificate of Leo X. Having had the manage- 
ment of affairs during the government of that pope, 
he was thoroughly acquainted with the politics of 
the court of Rome, and determined to follow a very 
-different course of conduct from Adrian. The chief 
difficulty which he apprehended, in regard to the 
Reformation, arose from the extraordinary admis- 
sions made by his predecessor. He deemed it expe- 
dient, therefore, to negotiate as if Adrian had taken 
no active part in these unpleasant proceedings. His 
first care was to make choice of a legate experienced 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 231 



in diplomacy and acquainted with the affairs of Ger- 
many. With that view he fixed on cardinal Cam- 
pegio, who had been nuncio in Germany in the time 
of the emperor Maximilian. It was in consequence 
of his former residence in that country that Clement 
in a letter to the elector Frederick, said with refe- 
rence to Campegio, nec minus istce provincice notus, 
et, ut speramus, cams* 

We are now to contemplate some of the proceed- 
ings of the papal court under the direction, not of 
the indolent Leo, or the unsuspicious Adrian, but 
of a leader thoroughly conversant with its politics. 
Agreeably to a former observation, we shall here 
find more room to attribute to it dexterity in diplo- 
macy than a comprehensive knowledge of the state 
of society. Blind, like most bad governments, to the 
real cause of public discontent, Clement and his ad- 
visers looked, in particular circumstances and events, 
for that which they should have sought in the gene- 
ral diffusion of information. The celebrated com- 
plaint of the " Hundred Grievances " was attributed 
by them, not to the detection of coarse abuses, or to 
indignation at the continuance of practices fitted 
only for an age of ignorance, but to the encourage- 
ment imprudently afforded by the acknowledgments 
of Adrian. Their policy accordingly was to avoid 
all admissions of the nature made by that pontiff, 
and to take as little notice as possible of the remon- 
strance of the German princes. On the seventh of 

* Luth. T. ii. p. 411. Campegio had likewise been legate in 
England, and was at a subsequent time, the bearer of the bull per- 
mitting Henry's divorce from Queen Catherine. He was chosen 
for this office because Henry and cardinal Wolsey wished the pope 
to employ a tractable man. Burnet's Hist. Reform, ii. 



232 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



December therefore, Clement addressed a letter to 
the elector Frederick, alluding, in general terms, to 
the disturbances existing in Germany, and expres- 
sing a confident belief that the elector would advo- 
cate the cause of the church.* This letter, in imi- 
tation of the example of his two predecessors, was 
intended to pave the way for the farther progress of 
Campegio's negotiation. Accordingly on 15th Ja- 
nuary, 1524, that legate being about to repair to the 
Diet assembled at Nuremberg, the pope wrote ano- 
ther letter to Frederick, still expressed in general 
terms, but in a style of studied complaisance, and in- 
timating a wish that the elector would consult with 
the legate in regard to the best means of restoring 
peace and tranquillity to the empire. 

Campegio arrived at Nuremberg on 14th Febru- 
ary, and learned, with much disappointment, that 
Frederick had left that city and gone home. He 
therefore determined to transmit the pontiff's letter 
enclosed in one from himself, which is still pre- 
served, and is, of all the epistolary compositions ad- 
dressed to Frederick by the popes or their agents, by 
far the most skilfully prepared.f It was in sub- 
stance as follows. 

" I lament exceedingly that I have had no oppor- 
tunity of meeting your highness at Nuremberg, as 
the pope's letter by no means contains all that I have 
to communicate. Clement commanded me to state 
many things, which it is now impossible for me to 
do otherwise than by means of a nuncio or by let- 
ter ; neither of which are the modes of communica- 

* Luth.ii. 411. 
t Luth. ii. p. 412. Sleid. L. iv. Seckend. 287- 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



233 



tion which I wish. A report, I hear, has been cir- 
culated, that your highness favours the new heresy ; 
but nothing, be assured, is farther from the pope's 
belief, or my own, since we consider your highness 
a most shining star, a sedulous observer of Christian 
piety, and a warm adherent to the apostolic see. 
How can a prince of discrimination be otherwise ? 
The love of innovation on the part of the common 
people, confined at present to matters of religion, 
would, if allowed to go on, be very soon transferred 
to a subversion of that subordination to princes and 
magistrates, without which civil society is at an end. 
If we advert to the recent insurrections in Bohemia 
and Hungary, we shall find that all the tumults and 
confusion, which have taken place, have been owing 
to the dangerous example of the new heresy. Si- 
milar events, we may confidently predict, will hap- 
pen in Germany, unless a speedy check be given to 
such presumption. As for me, I have been sent by 
the holy father, to restore those that have fallen, to 
direct the wanderer, and to receive into the bosom 
of the church all who are disposed to return — an 
arduous enterprise, and undertaken chiefly in a re- 
liance on the gracious aid of your highness." 

Ably as this letter was penned, it does not appear 
to have extracted any answer from the wary Frede- 
rick. At the Diet, Campegio expressed his astonish- 
ment that so many wise princes should permit the 
abolition of the rites in which they had been edu- 
cated, without perceiving that those innovations had 
a direct tendency to shake the stability of their own 
power. His Holiness, he added, did not prescribe any 
thing, but had commissioned him to consult with the 
Diet about the measures best adapted to prevent the 

2G 



234 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



farther progress of the evil. To this the princes re- 
plied, that they were well aware of the dangers to 
which they were exposed, and had, with a view to 
meet them, delivered to Campegio's predecessor a me- 
morial of those grievances in the church establishment 
which they could no longer endure. All the world, 
they added, were apprised of their subjects of com- 
plaint, as they had caused their memorial to be printed. 

Campegio could not pretend ignorance of the me- 
morial, but he bad no scruple in laying stress on the 
circumstance of the court of Rome having no official 
knowledge of it. The pope and cardinals had seen 
copies of it in the hands of individuals, and ascribed 
the printing of it to some enemy of the church, being 
unwilling to think that such a step could have been 
adopted by order of the princes. Some of their com- 
plaints were derogatory to the pope, and conse- 
quently heretical; but, in regard to those relating to 
other topics, he was willing, though without instruc- 
tions, to make them the subject of a conference. A 
conference accordingly did take place, but it produced 
no other effect than a cold promise from the legate 
of a reform among the Germanic clergy. His plan, 
w 7 hen it came to be examined, was found to contain 
only some regulations for the inferior clergy, without 
including the higher dignitaries. Such indeed was 
its nature, that the Diet declared that instead of be- 
nefiting the condition of Germany, it would tend to 
increase her evils, and seemed fitted only to augment 
the influence of the holy see. The propositions 
which ensued were equally unavailing, and the par- 
ties separated in mutual disgust.* 

* See a full account of the proceedings of this Diet in Sleid. L. 
iv. Sarpi. L. i. and Seckend. 287. et seq. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 235 



The publication of the recess of the Diet took 
place on 18th April.* It was divided into two ge- 
neral beads, the first regarding Luther and his doc- 
trine, the second treating of the dangers which 
threatened Germany. To meet these difficulties, 
the princes proposed that the pope, with the consent 
of the emperor, should assemble a free council in 
Germany, and that the Diet should meet at Spires 
on 11th November next, to consider what ought to 
be done until the convocation of the council. Mean- 
time competent persons were to be chosen by diffe- 
rent princes for the purpose of discussing the princi- 
pal points treated in Luther's works; and the ma- 
gistrates were to be enjoined to take care that the 
Gospel should be preached according to the doctrine 
of the writers approved by the church. All books 
and pictures which slandered the court of Rome, 
were to be suppressed. Such was, in substance, the 
resolution of the Diet. 

Campegio, after some remonstrance on the impro- 
priety of laymen interfering in matters of faith and 
doctrine, consented to lay their views before the 
pope. However, he soon took a step at variance 
with this promise ; for, after the breaking up of the 
Diet, he assembled those princes whom he knew to 
be favourable to his cause. These were Ferdinand 
the emperor's brother, William and Louis, princes of 
Bavaria, the archbishop of Saltzburg, the bishops of 
Trent, Ratisbori, Bamberg, Spires, Strasburg, Augs- 
burg, Constance, Bazil, Freysingen, Brixen, and 
Passau. The reformation had taken such deep root 
at Nuremberg, and the adoption of counter-resolu- 
tions on the spot where the late Diet had been held, 

* See it at length Luth. ii. 418. et seq. 



236 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



would have been so indecorus, that it was thought 
advisable to assemble this new meeting at Ratisbon. 
But nothing further was attempted than to carry in- 
to effect the edict issued at Worms against Luther. 
His innovations were condemned anew, and the old 
established customs of the church were declared to 
be confirmed. 

This irregular meeting, accounted by some an ad- 
mirable stroke of policy, gave great offence to the 
absent members of the Diet. Nor was there any 
prospect of compliance on the part of the pope, with 
the request of the princes to assemble a general 
council. The popes have generally been extremely 
averse from resorting to this alternative. Clement 
was in the habit of saying that the assembling of a 
council would be always advantageous if they ab- 
stained from meddling with the power of the pope ; 
but that, under present circumstances, such a mea- 
sure was wholly unnecessary, as Leo had already 
condemned Luther.* 

Luther, having speedily obtained a copy of the 
recess published by the Diet, was strongly agitated 
by the conduct of the princes. With that disregard 
of consequences which so frequently marked his 
conduct, he instantly republished the edict of Worms 
of eighth May, 1521, and, contrasting it with that of 
Nuremberg, had no hesitation to call the princes, 
" miserable, infatuated men, set over the people by 
God in his anger." He ridiculed the emperor's pre- 
sumption in assuming, like the king of England and 
the king of Hungary, the title of " Defender of the 
Catholic faith," and he went the length of exhorting 
all Christians to pause in contributing their services 

* Sarpi. L. i. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 237 



or their money to a war with the Turks, " since the 
Sultan was far superior to the German princes in 
ability, integrity, and moderation."* A letter of this 
description must have been regretted by all the con- 
siderate part of Luther's friends, from the handle 
given by it to his enemies to accuse him of a depar- 
ture from that moderation which he enjoined to 
others. 

The pope, meanwhile, exerted in private all his 
influence with the emperor, to counteract the resolu- 
tion of the Diet as far as it regarded the assemblage 
of a general council. Charles was so much inte- 
rested in detaching the court of Rome from connec- 
tion with his great rival, Francis, that he did not he- 
sitate to take a decided part against the Reformation. 
Accordingly, in the beginning of July, the emperor 
addressed a letter to the states of the empire re- 
echoing the resolutions adopted at Ratisbon, and 
demanding a more peremptory enforcement of the 
edict of Worms. His letter was accompanied by a 
notice that he would not permit the Diet to assem- 
ble, as appointed, on 11th November, lest he should 
incur the wrath of God and the pope. Conscious, 
however, that he was attempting an exertion of 
power which might be found to exceed the limits of 
his prerogative, he transmitted this despatch through 
the medium of his brother Ferdinand, and cautioned 
him not to produce it if he was apprehensive of se- 
rious opposition. Ferdinand, a bigoted Catholic, 
paid no attention to his brother's caution, and ea- 
gerly published a despatch which he thought would 
have the effect of pledging the imperial authority 

* Luth. T. ii. 413. et seq. Sleid. L. iv. Seckend. 291. 



238 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



to the condemnation of the Lutherans. The princes 
were greatly offended, but forbore to insist on hold- 
ing a Diet at Spires. In their opposition to the exe- 
cution of the edict of Worms they discovered greater 
firmness, and it accordingly remained little else than a 
dead letter throughout the greater part of Germany.* 
The impolitic resistance of the pope to the wishes 
of the Diet disappointed many leading men in Ger- 
many, and made them the more eager to investigate 
the subjects of controversy. Nothing could be more 
favourable to the cause of the Lutherans, for, con- 
fident in the superiority of their arguments, exami- 
nation was all they desired. During the sitting of 
the Diet at Nuremberg, the new doctrines had been 
publicly preached in that city. Albert, elector of 
Brandenburg, already favourably disposed toward 
them, was here made a thorough convert by the dis- 
courses of a preacher of the name of Andrew Osi- 
ander. Luther's works had met with a cordial re- 
ception from many persons in his electorate, and it 
deserves to be noticed that George von Polentz, a 
Prussian prelate, was the first Catholic bishop who 
recommended the perusal of Luther's works in his 
diocess. With this zealous convert Albert now co- 
operated, and commenced in good earnest the work 

* There must have been a curious contrast between the real and 
ostensible disposition of the church of Rome towards Frederick. 
While affecting to lavish flattering epithets on him for his con- 
stancy to the Catholic faith, hopes were secretly entertained that 
the emperor might venture to declare him a heretic and deprive 
him of his electoral franchise. Cum Saxonice electore, quia ver- 
borum blanditid nihil efficeretur, visum est severe procedendum, 
ut, pro hceretico habitus, Septemviratu dejiceretur. Seckend. 288. 
The electors were then only seven in number. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



239 



of Reformation in his dominions.* Being master 
of the Teutonic Order, which, like the Order of 
Malta, is pledged to celibacy, Albert passed by Wit- 
temberg and consulted Luther in regard to the 
necessity of adhering to this unnatural injunction. 
Luther's answer is recorded in one of his letters. 
" I advised Albert to despise that foolish rule, and to 
marry ; as well as to reduce Prussia into the political 
shape either of a principality or a dukedom. Me- 
lancthon seconded what I said. He (Albert) smiled 
and made no reply, but I perceived that the advice 
was agreeable to him." V 
We are now to advert to a less pleasant topic — the 
differences between Luther and Carolostad. No 
good understanding had subsisted between them 
since Luther's return from his seclusion at Wartburg. 
Those who, during the continuance of that confine- 
ment, had been attracted by the boldness of Carolos- 
tad's innovations, forsook him on hearing the disap- 
proving discourses of Luther. The consequence 
was that Carolostad withdrew from Wittemberg and 
retired to Orlamunda, a village near Sala, where he 
was invested with a parochial charge. Though thus 
retired from the scene of active discussion, he was of 
too warm a temper to relinquish the assertion of his 
peculiar tenets. These related chiefly to an imme- 
diate disuse of images, and to the much disputed 
point of the sacrament. Luther attached too much 
consequence to these doctrines to remain silent under 
their propagation. Though he recommended the 
disuse of images, he dreaded the consequences of 
hasty attempts at their abolition. Besides, Carolos- 
tad's vehemence was ill calculated to permit the en- 

* See Appendix E E. 



240 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



joyment of tranquillity to a mind so ardent as Lu- 
ther's. Stimulated by these considerations, Luther 
repaired to Jena, where he understood there were 
several favourers of the obnoxious doctrine. Here 
he both preached and held a disputation against 
them. Unfortunately, the discourses on each side 
bore the stamp of the irritability of the leaders ; and 
this abusive language was calculated to lower the 
cause of reform in the public estimation. However, 
when the alternative of convoking a synod was pro- 
posed to Luther, he had the good sense to decline it, 
and at last consented that he and his opponent should 
exercise mutual toleration, and maintain a spirit of 
Christian charity. He contented himself with ad- 
dressing to the magistrates of the different cities of 
Germany a spirited remonstrance against the indif- 
ference to learning recommended by Carolostad.* 

It was nearly about this time that Luther wrote 
against the extraordinary innovations of Munster and 
the Anabaptists. His views in other respects conti- 
nued to expand, and he ventured on ninth October, 
1524, to lay aside his monastic habit .and to assume 
the dress of a professor or preacher. His tenacious 
adherence to the opinions which he had once es- 
poused, a feature in his character not generally un- 
derstood, was strongly illustrated by the circum- 
stances of this transaction ; for it is a fact that all the 
Augustinians, with the single exception of the prior, 
had left the monastery before Luther could prevail 
on himself to adopt that resolution. 

The advocates of papal authority, alarmed at the 
dissemination of the Reformed doctrine, and finding 
arbitrary edicts of little avail, now looked around for 

* Seckend. 306. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



241 



a literary champion who might be instrumental in 
stemming the current of revolution. Nor could they 
long remain in doubt as to the man, when there was 
a prospect of engaging Erasmus in the cause. Per- 
sons in the most celebrated stations, particularly 
Henry VIII. and pope Adrian, had urged this emi- 
nent scholar to enter the lists with Luther. To this 
however there were, on the part of Erasmus, consi- 
derable objections. He was conscious of the neces- 
sity of ecclesiastical reform, and aware of the popu- 
larity of its advocates. He had already, as we have 
seen, expressed his approbation and his good wishes 
in regard to several of Luther's publications. Un- 
fortunately the wants of Erasmus were not suffi- 
ciently simple to render him independent of the as- 
sistance of the great. He was in the habit of re- 
ceiving pensions from crowned heads, among others 
from our Henry VIII. who was at that time invete- 
rate against Luther, and eager to recommend himself 
to the papal see with the view of accelerating his di- 
vorce from Queen Catharine. Cardinal Wolsey, the 
organ of all his important communications, pressed 
Erasmus to write against Luther ; and Tonstall, bi- 
shop of London, whose letter is still extant, urged 
him to the same effect.* 

Prompted by these and other applications, Eras- 
mus determined to embark in the Catholic cause. 
Too politic to deny the necessity of reform, he con- 
fined himself to an attempt at shaking Luther's high 
reputation by questioning his accuracy in speculative 
points. The particular topic of which he made 
choice was Luther's opinion on the "Freedom of 
the Will." Erasmus's treatise on this subject was 

* Seckend. p. 309. Tonstall's letter was in July ^1523. 

2H 



242 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



published in September, 1524.* Though composed 
with studied moderation, we find him writing to 
England, a day or two after the publication, that 
he laid his account with a tumult, and perhaps with 
being stoned by the people. He would willingly 
have dedicated his work to his patron Wolsey, had 
not the notorious violence of that minister been cal- 
culated to create prepossessions unfavourable to the 
cause. 

Elevated as Erasmus was in reputation, he was 
by no means tranquil in regard to the reception of 
his work. He dreaded the vindictive pen of Luther, 
and was doubtful of operating conviction on the 
minds of even the more temperate adherents of the 
Reformer. A letter written by him to Melancthon, 
sometime after his treatise came forth, is indicative 
of solicitude in these respects, as well as of no ordi- 
nary share of personal vanity. He augured right in 
laying his account with an answer in a decided tone 
from Luther. It appeared in a short time, and the 
adverse essays brought both these distinguished cha- 
racters prominently before the public. But the sub- 
ject was unfavourable to a display of their respective 
talents. It is in itself extremely difficult, and, from 
a reciprocal want of accuracy in definition, it re- 
ceived very little illustration at their hands. Both 
declare man an accountable creature, though they 
differ in the detail of their expositions. Their va- 
riance would have been less had they written with 
more precision of language. But Erasmus, though 
educated for the church, had been chiefly conversant 
with classical pursuits, and found himself out of his 
depth when involved in metaphysics. In regard to 

* De Libero Arbitrio. Erasm. Op. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 243 



Luther, on the other hand, it is in vain that his zea- 
lous admirer, Seckendorff, exerts himself to prove 
that he was no predestinarian. He is desirous of 
imputing the origin of that doctrine to Calvin ; but 
on comparing Luther's treatise with the more fi- 
nished labours of the Geneva professor, we must 
come to the conclusion that the only difference seems 
to consist in the greater clearness and precision of 
the latter.* 

If, in point of philosophical reasoning, Luther's 
treatise was uninteresting, it was, in another respect, 
abundantly emphatic — I mean in personal abuse of 
his antagonist. Nothing could be more mortifying 
to one who was exquisitely alive to whatever affected 
his favour with the public. Accordingly we find 
Erasmus making, some time after, a vehement re- 
monstrance against Luther to the elector John; Fre- 
derick's successor, and entreating him to interfere to 
prevent Luther from indulging in a repetition of 
similar invectives. Extat Erasmi autographon ad 
Johannem Elect, Sax. d. 2. Mart, datum in quo in- 
credibilem bilem effundit adversus Lutherum, a quo 
famam suam capitalibus mendaciis Icesam esse que- 
ritur. f 

A part of this year was passed by Luther in a 
manner much more profitable than controversy. He 
translated the psalms into German verse for the use 
of the common people, and added sacred hymns of 
his own composition. In the course of the work he 
invited the assistance of Spalatin and of another 

* See Calvin's Institutions, L. iii. cap. 21—24. They contain 
as good a defence of the doctrine of predestination as any that is 
before the public. 

t Seckend. p. 312. 



244 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



friend, named Dolzy, in regard to the versification ; 
and for the composition of the tunes, of which he 
was an excellent judge, he engaged a person of the 
name of John Walther. His pains were amply re- 
warded, for his version became extremely popular. 



The elector Frederick had now reached his sixty- 
third year. His constitution was undermined by se- 
vere complaints, and he closed a life of great public 
utility on fifth May, 1525. His protection, though 
in Luther's opinion sometimes too cautiously be- 
stowed, was all along steady and effectual. He was 
found to perform more than he promised, and to ad- 
here firmly to the Reformer under the most alarming 
circumstances. The funeral of this lamented prince 
was conducted under the direction of Luther and 
Melancthon. They were allowed to omit all the 
ceremonies of the church of Rome. The place of 
interment was the church of All Saints at Wittem- 
berg. Melancthon delivered a Latin oration over 
the grave, and Luther preached a sermon from the 
text (1 Thessalonians, iv. 13.) "Brethren, concerning 
them which are asleep, sorrow not, even as others 
which have no hope." 

Prince John, Frederick's successor, was a good 
deal different in character from his brother. With- 
out possessing equal depth of reflection, his temper 
was much keener and his determinations more 
promptly taken. Frederick's great care had been to 
restrain the haste of the Reformers, and to trust to 
the operation of a gradual progress. But John was 
actuated by no such backwardness, and had no ob- 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



245 



jection to become the ready instrument of carrying 
their speculations into effect. The character of Fre- 
derick was evidently best fitted to foster and give 
strength to a beginning cause ; that of John was 
suitable to a season when it had attained conside- 
rable growth, and had become independent of such 
tender cares. The death of Frederick was to the 
Catholics a matter of great exultation; but their 
hopes were soon disappointed, and, all things taken 
together, it may be inferred that the cause of reform 
prospered as much under John as if his brother's life 
had been prolonged. 

The death of Frederick was nearly cotempo- 
rary with the formidable insurrection in Germany, 
known by the name of the " war of the peasants." 
The condition of this humble class of the community 
was still deplorable throughout great part of the em- 
pire. In some places they were subject to personal 
and domestic slavery, and liable to be transferred, 
like any other vendible property, from one master to 
another. Even in quarters where their liberty was 
less restrained, they cultivated land under conditions 
of great hardship. To these were now added the 
imposition of taxes on several of the necessaries and 
comforts of life. Driven to despair, they took up 
arms to obtain a redress of their grievances. The 
first commotions appeared in Suabia, and soon 
spread to the north amid the converts to the Refor- 
mation. It happened in this, as in other insurrec- 
tions, that the multitude, once roused, knew not 
where to stop. They went beyond all bounds, and 
seemed to aim at an absolute equality of persons 
and property. The elector John, along with the 
landgrave of Hesse and duke of Brunswick, found it 



246 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



necessary to assemble a military force against them. 
Having succeeded in surrounding them, the princes 
endeavoured to quell the insurrection by amicable 
negotiation. But the infatuation of the peasants and 
of their leader Muncer, rendering this impracticable, 
it was necessary to resort to the painful alternative 
of assault. Several thousands fell in the field, and 
their leader being taken, the rebellion was finished 
by one blow.* 

The enemies of Luther laboured greatly to throw 
the odium of this insurrection on him and his doc- 
trine. But though the insurgents became, in the 
progress of the commotion, enthusiastic opponents of 
the church of Rome, and held some tenets in com- 
mon with Luther, this coincidence is to be viewed 
as a secondary and collateral circumstance, which 
had no influence on the origin of the sedition. The 
insurgents asserted that Luther had by no means 
done justice to the cause of freedom ; while he, on 
the other hand, employed the whole force of his elo- 
quence to convince the peasants of the criminality of 
their conduct, and to prevent others from' co-operating 
with them. In a work addressed expressly to them, 
he strongly recommended forbearance by his own 
example : " The pope and the emperor have raged 
against me, but it has turned out, in consequence of 
my patience, that the more violent they have been, 
the wider has been the diffusion of the Gospel. I 
have exercised no revenge. I have never caused the 
sword to be drawn from the scabbard. The power 
of magistrates I have supported as far as I was able, 
even of those who have persecuted the Gospel and 

* Sleid. L. v. and Seckend. L. ii. from p. 1 to 15, have given 
an ample account of this war. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



247 



me. I have committed all to God, and put my re- 
liance in his power and protection. God hath ac- 
cordingly preserved me in life, in spite of the pope 
and all my enemies, which is looked on as a miracle 
by many and acknowledged as such by myself. But 
you have now interposed unseasonably, and in wish- 
ing to promote the gospel by violence, you are not 
aware that you impede its progress." 

We have next to record an event in Luther's his- 
tory, which, while it had a powerful influence on 
his personal comfort, was calculated to excite in no 
small degree the surprise of the public. We have 
seen him relinquish, step by step, the prejudices and 
habits of his early years ; raising his voice first 
against the grosser abuses of the church, and sub- 
sequently questioning her fundamental doctrines. 
In that discussion, which more immediately affected 
himself, the obligation of the monastic vow, we have 
observed him begin by lamenting the premature age 
at which such engagements were undertaken ; pro- 
ceeding, in the next place, to sanction the relinquish- 
ment of the pledge in other persons, and finally with- 
drawing from the fraternity himself. He now went a 
farther length, and determined to settle himself in 
marriage. This step, remarkable in itself on the part of 
one who had sworn celibacy, was rendered still more 
so by the existence of a similar obligation on the part 
of her whom he espoused. Among the nuns who 
escaped from the convent of Nimptschen, was one 
Catherine de Bora or Boria. It appears that soon 
after the time of the evasion, Luther had conceived 
an attachment to her, but repressed a feeling which 
he found it difficult to justify. His change of opi- 
nion, however, removed this as well as other scru- 



248 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



pies, and, after mature reflection, he addressed the 
object of his affection, and entered on the married 
state. The step was taken without consulting his 
friends at Wittemberg. Some, he apprehended, might 
object to it on religious considerations, while others 
might pronounce it unseasonable at a time when the 
country was agitated by popular insurrection. Be 
this as it may, Luther appears to have been deter- 
mined to take the whole responsibility on himself. 
It was an act, we must confess, of considerable bold- 
ness; for, independently of the objection in public 
opinion, few individuals were less fitted to make 
provision for a family. His friend and well-wisher, 
Albert, elector of Brandenburg, had advised him to 
set up, for this purpose, a school or academy. But 
Luther was ill qualified to bear the necessary con- 
straint, and chose rather to live in a very plain man- 
ner ; prescribing the greatest simplicity in regard to 
the wants of himself and those about him, and sub- 
mitting to much that would have appeared privation 
in the eyes of others. 

The advocates of the church of Rome poured out 
the most vehement declamation against Luther on 
the occasion of his marriage with a nun. Some 
affirmed that he was mad, or possessed with an evil 
spirit.* Our Henry VIII. had no scruple in accusing 
Luther of a crime equivalent to incest, forgetting 
how open to reprehension his own conduct was in 
respect to matrimony. SeckendorrT has entered into 
a long detail of the circumstances of this affair, but 
his narrative is chiefly valuable by containing an 
ample letter on the subject from Melancthon to his 
friend Camerarius.f In this epistle, Melancthon, 

* Sleid. L. v. f Seckend. L. ii. 1~. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 



249 



declining as unnecessary the vindication of Luther 
against popular prejudice, represents him as impelled, 
like most other men, to take the measure which he 
did, by powerful affection for the object. 

The elector John now consented to take steps to 
make the Lutheran the predominant religion in his 
dominions. Though the majority of his subjects 
were favourably inclined to it, the change was too 
great to be effected otherwise than by degrees. The 
university of Wittemberg being accounted the foun- 
tain head of theological instruction, Luther prevailed 
on the elector to increase his patronage to it, as well 
as to augment the supply of preachers by encouraging 
schools of learning in other places. He and his 
friends, Melancthon and Pomeranus, now ventured 
to introduce some changes in the form of worship, 
among which the use of the German language in ad- 
ministering the sacrament was the most remarkable. 
About this time also, Luther published a commentary 
on the book of Deuteronomy. His controversy with 
Carolostad, being unfortunately revived, attracted 
the attention of Ulric Zwinglius, the famous Swiss 
reformer, a writer second to none of his cotempora- 
ries in talents or purity of intention. Zwinglius es- 
poused the side of Carolostad, and did not hesitate 
to attack Luther's opinion. We shall have occasion 
to enter afterwards more into the particulars of the 
dispute ; at present suffice it to remark, that, eminent 
as the controversialists were, the discussion failed in 
producing conviction on either part, and tended only 
to display that acrimony and improper freedom 
which characterized the writings of the age. 

A singular exchange of epistolary composition took 
place this year between Luther and Henry VIII. of 



250 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



England. Reports having been circulated of a fa- 
vourable change in Henry's religious creed, the 
friends of Luther, and in particular Christiern, king 
of Denmark, were of opinion that the Reformer 
ought to make up for his former virulence by a re- 
spectful overture. From this Luther was the less 
averse, because he was of opinion that Henry was 
not the author of the book which went under his 
name.* But if Luther was so far amicably disposed, 
no man could be more deficient in the precaution ne- 
cessary for managing a delicate negotiation. The 
plan he took was to address, without much previous 
inquiry, a letter to Henry, mentioning that persons, 
worthy of credit, had assured him that the book pub- 
lished under his majesty's name was not of his com- 
position, and seemed to be the production of some 
crafty sophist. Imagining that Wolsey had had the 
chief hand in that publication, he alludes to him in 
the severest terms, and goes so far as to style him 
" a monster, and object of the hatred of God and 
man." Under this impression, Luther declared he 
had no objection to retract what he had written, and 
to express himself respectfully of his majesty, sub- 
joining in one short proposition what he considered 
the cardinal point of Christian doctrine.f The re- 
joinder from England, however, soon showed that 
Luther was ill informed about Henry's disposition, 
and injudicious in the manner of addressing him. 
The influence of Wolsey was not yet shaken, and the 
answer partook of the violence both of the sovereign 

* Certissimura est istum libelltim ab ipso rege nequaquam esse 
conscriptum ; tamen adeo me non latuit autor ejus, quin ipsum sua 
jpsius verba prodant. Luth. T. ii. p. 494. 

f Luth. T. ii. 493. Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 37, 38. 



YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 251 



and minister. Luther, nowise discouraged, soon 
printed a reply to this royal epistle, and entitled it 
" Maledici et contumeliosi scripti r egis Anglice res- 
jponsio" In this he laboured, with considerable suc- 
cess, to free himself from the charge of inconsistency 
in his behaviour towards Henry, and retorted, with 
redoubled violence, the abusive epithets of the mo- 
narch. A correspondence, similar in some degree, 
took place this year between Luther and George, 
duke of Saxony ; * but it was productive of no other 
serious consequence than an altercation between the 
elector John and the Duke. 

Toward the end of 1525 an attempt, it was said, 
was intended to be made to cut off Luther by poi- 
son. The rumour was that a Polish Jew of the me- 
dical profession had undertaken to perpetrate the 
deed for a reward of two thousand crowns. In con- 
sequence of the suspicion of some of Luther's friends, 
the Jew and several other persons were arrested at 
Wittemberg, but, on their examination, nothing could 
be discovered, and Luther interceded that they might 
not be put to the torture. They were accordingly 
set at liberty. 



* Luth. T. ii. 488. Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 38. 



252 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, - 



CHAPTER X. 

FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 

IN the beginning of 1526, the Protestants had the 
satisfaction of seeing Philip, the landgrave of Hesse, 
follow the example of the elector John, of Saxony, 
and declare the Lutheran the established religion of 
his dominions. The support of these and other 
princes, joined to the accession of the free cities of 
Nuremberg, Frankfort, and Hamburgh, now made 
the progress of the Reformation the most interesting 
event in the situation of Germany. The negotia- 
tions and disputes of which it was productive became 
numerous and complicated, and lead naturally to a 
change in the plan of our narrative. Hitherto Lu- 
ther had been not only the origin but the main spring 
of the opposition to the papacy ; but the range which 
it now embraced was too wide to be directed by the 
exertions of an individual. The farther progress 
of this opposition belongs, therefore, to general his- 
tory, and would be wholly misplaced in a biographi- 
cal relation. The remainder of our work will ac- 
cordingly be, in a great measure, confined to the pri- 
vate events of Luther's life, and our account of the 
succeeding years will be comprised in a compara- 
tively smaller space. This brevity of detail is pro- 
moted likewise by the tranquil nature of several of 
his occupations, much of his time being employed in 
finishing and correcting his translation of the Bible. 

Luther had divided this stupendous labour into 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 253 



three parts ; the books of Moses, the subsequent his- 
tory of the Jews, and lastly, the prophetical and 
other books of the Old Testament. In December, 
1523, we find him writing to a friend that he had 
finished the second of these divisions, and was pro- 
ceeding to the third, the greatest and most difficult. 
In March, 1524, he was busily employed with the 
Book of Job, and complained of his task to Spalatin 
in ludicrous terms. " We find so much difficulty,' 5 
he said, " from the sublimity of the style, that Job 
seems a great deal more impatient of our translation 
than of the consolation of his friends, or he would 
certainly have sat for ever on the dunghill ; unless 
perhaps its author meant that it should never be 
translated. This has been the cause of the great 
delay of the press." 

The version of the ". Prophets " did not begin to 
appear till 1527, and in completing this part of his 
task, Luther received benefit from the assistance of 
some Jews of the city of Worms. The Book of 
Isaiah was printed in 1528; Daniel followed soon 
after, and in 1530 the whole was completed. His 
chief coadjutors in this noble undertaking were Bu- 
genhagen, better known by the name of Pomeranus, 
Justus Jonas, Melancthon, and Matthew, surnamed 
Aurogallus. There were, likewise, other persons by 
whose aid he was benefited in regard to detached 
portions of his translation. In a labour of such 
length and difficulty, the name of the corrector of the 
press has a claim to be mentioned ; he was called 
George Rorar, or, agreeably to the pedantic fashion 
of the times, Rorarius. Luther's occupation did not 
end with the completion of the translation. He un- 
derwent the labour of revising the whole for a new r 



254 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



edition, which was published in 1534, and was fol- 
lowed by impressions still farther amended, in the 
years 1541 and 1545. Like our own translation of 
the Bible, Luther's was accounted remarkably pure 
for the age ; and it long remained in Germany a kind 
of standard for prose composition. 

The year 1526 was the first since 1517 that Lu- 
ther allowed to pass without publishing a book 
against the Catholics. In another way, however, he 
carried on a warfare calculated to shake the power- 
ful hold which that superstition naturally takes of 
the faith of the lower orders. He published a series 
of wood-cuts representing the pope, cardinals, and 
bishops, along with nearly sixty different orders of 
monks and religious knights. To each of these 
homely portraits he subjoined rhymes explanatory of 
the origin of their names, and descriptive of their pe- 
culiar habits. To this curious compilation he added 
a preface and epilogue.* A more serious task con- 
sisted in writing commentaries on Jonah and Habak- 
kuk, which, along with some lesser pieces of Scrip- 
ture criticism, he published in the course of the year. 

Another topic, to which the increasing freedom of 
Inquiry drew the public attention, was the question, 
whether it was " lawful for a Christian to go to 
war." It deserves to be remarked that the papal 
court never thought it necessary, during the many- 
centuries that it had governed Christendom, to agi- 
tate a question so interesting to humanity. Luther 
entered on the discussion at some length, and was of 
opinion, that, in a general view, war was lawful ; but 
he made several important distinctions and limita- 
tions, the sum of which amounted to the simple pro- 

* Seckend. L. ii. 51. 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 255 



position, that the lawfulness of hostility depended al- 
together on the justice of the cause. 

The Imperial Diet assembled at Midsummer at the 
city of Spires, and the pressure of business was such 
as to require the attendance of the elector John du- 
ring several months. Luther continued occupied in 
plans for the progress of the Reformation, which 
were to be submitted to the elector as soon as more 
urgent business permitted him to give them his atten- 
tion. — An unfortunate event, which took place this 
year, tended to show the strength of Luther's attach- 
ment to his favourite city and university. A pesti- 
lential disorder, after raging for some time in the 
neighbourhood of Wittemberg, became so serious, 
that the professors and students were ordered to re- 
move to Jena. Luther, however, ventured to refuse 
a compliance with the order, though proceeding from 
the elector. Agreeably to his usual practice he pub- 
lished the reasons of his conduct.* In a case like 
this of serious danger, it would be difficult to vin- 
dicate such a mode of acting ; but if we must admit 
Luther to have been wrong, it is but just to add, 
that he by no means remained from a pride of braving 
danger, or from a silly expectation that he was the 
object of the peculiar care of Providence. His friend, 
Pomeranus, and the deacons of the church of Wit- 
temberg, thought proper to follow his example and 
to remain at their station. 

The courage thus displayed by Luther will appear 
to many readers a singular contrast to what we are 
now going to mention. He who was so bold in as- 
serting the cause of Christianity, and so fearless of 
personal danger in its promotion, was, not unfre- 

* Seckend. p. 85, 86. 



256 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



quently, sunk in despondency, and was doubtful even 
whether he was a real Christian. In a letter to his 
friend Justus Jonas, dated 26th December, 1526, he 
entreats him to " offer up his prayers that Christ 
may not desert him nor reject him from among the 
number of the faithful." " Non cessa pro me orare, 
ut Christus me non deserat nec sinat esse impiorum 
quos sentio, sed Jiliorum; ne dejiciat fides mea in 
finem"* 

The correction of abuses in the church of Saxony 
had long been an object very near his heart. At 
last, in 1527, the elector consented to appoint visi- 
tors invested with power to make inquiry into the 
personal conduct of the clergy, as well as into the 
other departments of church discipline. Among 
these visitors Luther held a conspicuous place. 
Their labours were not limited to the correction of 
temporary abuses, but formed the basis of perma- 
nent provision for the Saxon church. The regu- 
lations founded on their visitation embraced the 
church revenue, the ritual of worship, and the situa- 
tion of the clergy generally. The report was drawn 
up by Melancthon, and though Luther's name was 
not introduced in it, there can be no doubt, from the 
filial regard entertained for him by Melancthon, that 
he was consulted upon every point of importance. 
The elector, John, lost no time in carrying the re- 
commendations of the memorial into effect, t 

Next year, 1528, Luther published his commen- 
tary on Genesis and Zachariah, as well as a letter 
to the bishop of Misnia, respecting the Eucharist. 
He had also a renewal with Zwinglius of the never- 
ending controversy on that subject. — It happened 

* Seckend. L. ii. 80. t Ibid. 106, 107- 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 257 

somewhat unexpectedly that the measures of the 
Diet held the year before at Spires, had been favour- 
able to the Lutherans. This had been owing to the 
distracted situation of the emperor- s affairs, and par- 
ticularly to his dissension with the pope, who had al- 
lied himself for a season with Francis I. A change, 
however, having taken place in the politics of the 
court of Rome, Charles determined to direct his at- 
tention anew to the ecclesiastical affairs of Germany, 
and to manage them to the satisfaction of Clement 
VII. with whom he was now closely connected. 

The Diet met again at Spires on 15th March, 
1529, and the majority, influenced by the emperor, 
proceeded to declare a repeal of the resolutions of the 
former Diet. But the Protestant princes of the em- 
pire had now gained strength and confidence enough 
to prevent their being intimidated either by the em- 
peror's will, or by the numerical superiority of Ca- 
tholic votes. The court of Rome, aware of the de- 
sire of the friends of the Reformation for the convo- 
cation of a general Council, determined to amuse 
them by holding out the expectation of it. With this 
view a proposition was brought forward at the Diet 
to delay all innovations in religion until the meeting 
of a general Council. 

Had the Lutherans put confidence in their oppo- 
nents, they would have had little hesitation in ac- 
ceding to the offer. But the known temper of the 
pope, his recent treaty with the emperor, and the 
long established maxims of the court of Rome, pre- 
vented them from placing any reliance on the pro- 
mise of a Council. By dint of the superior numbers 
on the emperor's side, the proposition against inno- 
vations was carried, but a protest was entered by the 

2K 



258 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



dissentients on the 19th April, which procured to the 
reformed the name of Protestants, and will be for 
ever memorable in the history of Christianity.* The 
names of the princes who thus stood boldly forward 
deserve to be recorded. They were John, elector of 
Saxony, George, elector of Brandenburg, Ernest and 
Francis, dukes of Luneburg, Philip, Landgrave of 
Hesse and Wolfang, prince of Anhalt. They were 
joined by fourteen of the principal cities of Germany, 
viz. Strasburg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Reut- 
linghen, Windzheim, Memminghen, Lindau, Kemp- 
ten, Heilbron, Isny, Weissemburg, Nordlingen, and 
St. Gall. This spirited measure appears to have 
given considerable disquietude to Ferdinand, who re- 
presented his brother Charles at the Diet. He with- 
drew from Spires before the protest was given in, but 
the princes, nowise shaken in their resolution, drew 
up and, published a formal narrative of the whole 
transaction. During the agitation of this affair, the 
elector, John, was in the habit of making frequent 
communications to Luther ; and Melancthon who at- 
tended that prince at Spires, was probably the writer 
of the narrative which I have mentioned. 

The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, zealous in the 
cause of the Reformation, spared no pains to esta- 
blish a good understanding between Luther and the 
Zwinglians. In conformity with the custom of the 
age, the best method of accomplishing this seemed to 
be by a public disputation. A meeting of that kind 
was accordingly appointed between the Swiss and 
German champion. The beginning of October was 
fixed on as the time, and Marpurg, a city in the 

* Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 130. 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 259 



landgrave's dominions, as the scene of debate.* Lu- 
ther, still as poor as at the outset of his career, re- 
ceived a new suit of clothes from the elector of Sax- 
ony, and repaired to Marpurg, along with Melanc- 
thon, Justus Jonas, and other friends. Zwinglius 
was attended by Ocolampadius of Basil, and joined 
on the road, at Strasburg, by his friends Bucer and 
Hedio. The disputation that ensued is thus described 
in a letter from Justus Jonas : t 

" We reached Marpurg on 26th September, and 
were received by the prince of Hesse, not only in a 
polite but in a courteous manner. Lodgings had 
been provided for us in the city, but the prince hav- 
ing changed his mind, received us in the castle and 
entertained us at his own table. On the first Oc- 
tober, by direction of the prince, the leaders on both 
sides had a private conference, Luther with Ocolam- 
padius, and Melancthon with Zwinglius ; but they 
could come to no agreement. Next day, Saturday, 
the disputation began. It was not altogether public, 
but there were present, in addition to those who had 
accompanied the disputants, the prince, his courtiers 
and chief counsellors. On the one side were Zwin- 
glius, Ocolampadius, Bucer, Hedio, Jacob Sturm, a 
senator of Strasburg,t Ulric Funch, a senator of 
Zurich, and Rudolphus Frey, of Basil. On the 
other, Luther, Melancthon, Eberhard, Thane of Is- 
senach, myself, Caspar Cruciger, and others. Lu- 
ther, Melancthon, Ocolampadius, and Zwinglius, 
were seated at a table before the prince and the other 

* Sleid. L. vi. Maimb. L. ii. 1529- Seckend. L. ii. 136. 
t Seckend. ii. 139. 

| This was the person who assisted Sleidan in the composition 
of his great work. 



260 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



courtiers. In the early part of the debate Ocolam- 
padius pressed hard, and continued the argument al- 
most for two days, 4 that Christ had but one body, 
which was in heaven, and that no real body could be 
at the same time in more places than one.' He also 
relied much on the spiritual eating of the flesh and 
drinking of the blood in John vi. But Luther de- 
clared that he would not allow the plain words of 
our Saviour to be distorted. They were, in his opi- 
nion, simple and unambiguous — 'this is my body ; ? 
and again the words of Paul, 4 1 have received of the 
Lord.' His opponents, however, affirmed that this 
w T as nothing else than begging the question, and the 
contest was very keen on this point. On Sunday, 
third October, the disputation was continued, in the 
hope of an amicable understanding ; but it was fruit- 
lessly protracted till evening, and both parties sepa- 
rated in a pertinacious adherence to their own opi- 
nions ; nor do I think we are at all likely to agree on 
the nature of the Lord's supper. To day, (fourth 
October) the prince attempted to produce an unifor- 
mity of sentiment by the interference of his counsel- 
lors and learned men, but it would not do. — I shall 
now say a few words on the disposition and talents 
of each. Zwinglius is somewhat rude and forward 
in his manner ; Ocolampadius is remarkable for mild 
temper ; Hedio is equally distinguished for humanity 
and liberality, but Bucer has all the cunning of a fox. 
They are all men of real learning, and in comparison 
with them, the Catholics are not worthy to be ac- 
counted adversaries. Zwinglius, however, I cannot 
help thinking, is learned against the grain." 

Such is the representation of Jonas ; but, in re- 
ceiving from him a character of Zwinglius and Bu~ 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 261 

cer, we shall do well to keep in mind that he was a 
keen Lutheran, Both parties, as usual, claimed the 
victory. However, the dispositions which they dis- 
covered toward each other, were much less hostile 
than was common at such disputations, a circum- 
stance owing, in great measure, to the judicious ar- 
rangements of the landgrave. A curious proof of 
this is given in the care taken to avoid a collision be- 
tween two such fiery combatants as Luther and 
Zwinglius, by classing them respectively with a mild 
opponent. It had been reported that Zwinglius en- 
tertained erroneous notions of the divinity of Christ 
and of original sin ; but his explanation, when com- 
municated, was admitted as perfectly satisfactory. 
Other points also were discussed at this meeting, and 
there was no material difference except as to the Eu- 
charist. 

Various plans were at this time in contemplation, 
to form a confederacy for the purpose of repelling 
the force which Charles threatened to employ against 
the Protestants. But neither were the minds of men 
sufficiently prepared for so serious a measure, nor 
were the reformed agreed in regard to the preliminary 
question of the legality of taking up arms in such a 
cause. Luther, in particular, was adverse to the idea, 
and, on being consulted by the elector of Saxony, 
declared that he would rather suffer death ten times 
than be the cause of commencing a war in defence of 
the Gospel.* 

A task much more congenial to Luther's disposi- 
tion, was the composition and publication of a cate- 
chism, which long retained its popularity, and is, 
even at present, used for the purpose of instilling into 

* Seckend. ii. 141. 



262 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



youth the first principles of religion. He strongly 
urged the necessity of private as well as of public in- 
struction, and dwelt on the obligation on masters of 
families to interrogate their children and servants, 
particularly on Sundays. " I also," he added, " am 
a doctor and a preacher, perhaps as learned and ex- 
pert as those who rashly and frivolously despise these 
things: I, however, imitate the example of the boys 
who are learning their catechisms, and once a day, 
either in the morning, or whenever I have leisure, I 
repeat, word by word, the decalogue, the Lord's 
prayer, and several of the Psalms." 

The success of the Turkish arms on the side of 
Hungary had spread considerable alarm, not only in 
the neighbouring country but throughout Germany. 
Luther determined to come forward and exhort his 
countrymen to oppose this formidable foe. In the 
early part of his career, he had gone so far as to 
hazard the assertion, " that to fight against the 
Turks was to resist God, who was punishing us for 
our iniquities by their hostility." This expression, 
which escaped him under the smart of provocation, 
he now found it necessary to retract. He was still 
of opinion that, as Christians, his countrymen were 
not commanded to fight, but the Turk and the pope 
were, he said, the only two who attempted to disse- 
minate their tenets by the sword. He added, that to 
" expose the former, he should one day publish a 
German version of the Koran." 

Meantime Charles, having finally composed his dif- 
ferences with the pope, and been solemnly crowned 
by his hands, had pledged himself to use every en- 
deavour to accomplish the extirpation of the Protes- 
tants in Germany. He had given a secret promise 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 263 



to the pontiff to oppose the assembling of a Council. 
He now, in 1530, called a meeting of the Imperial 
Diet at Augsburg, to deliberate on the Turkish war, 
and on the state of religion in Germany. By this 
time the Protestants were persuaded that it was ne- 
cessary to present to the Diet a clear account of the 
doctrines which they maintained, as considerable ig- 
norance prevailed in regard to them. So early there- 
fore as 14th March, the elector of Saxony, having 
received a summons to attend the Diet, expressed his 
wish to Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, and Pomeranus, 
that they would transmit to him at Torgau, where 
he then was, a statement of those articles of the Pro- 
testant faith which they considered as of the greatest 
importance, and which it behoved them, as Chris- 
tians, publicly to maintain. The declaration was to 
be drawn so as to avoid giving unnecessary offence, 
and it was to be sent to him without delay. This. 
Luther readily accomplished, comprising the articles 
of religion under seventeen heads, and transmitting 
them to the elector at Torgau, from which circum- 
stance they are generally called the articles of Tor- 
gau. Their titles were as follows : 

" 1. God and the Holy Trinity. 2. The incarna- 
tion of Christ. 3. The passion. 4. Original sin. 
5. Justification. 6. The nature of justifying faith* 
7. The preaching of the Gospel. 8. Sacraments. 
9. Baptism. 10. The Eucharist. 11. Private con- 
fession. 12. The Catholic church. 13. The last 
judgment. 14. The power of the magistrate. 15. 
The prohibition of marriage and of the eating of flesh. 
16. The abrogation of the mass. 17. Religious 
ceremonies." These articles had been agreed on the 
year before at Sultzbach, and they were destined to 



264 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



form, as we shall see presently, the basis of a more 
extended and important declaration. 

The elector, John, aware that religious discussions 
would occupy a large share of the attention of the 
Diet, determined to take with him several eminent 
theologians, whose advice would enable him to be of 
advantage to the cause of the Reformation. Accor- 
dingly Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, and John Agri- 
cola, who was in the train of Albert, count of Mans- 
feld, were selected, along with Spalatin, as his coun- 
sellors on this important occasion. From political 
reasons it was deemed unadvisable that Luther should 
enter Augsburg, and he was accordingly left at Co- 
bourg, in Franconia. Here he resided in the castle, 
and was at a convenient distance to be consulted by 
his friends on any emergency. After having been 
proscribed by the Diet of Worms, the Reformer 
might not only have exposed himself to unnecessary 
danger by entering Augsburg, but his appearance be- 
fore the emperor would have looked like setting his 
authority at defiance. The whole plan had been 
concerted with the concurrence of Luther,* a circum- 
stance which seems a sufficient answer to those who 
would gladly ascribe his being left behind to a sense 
of the untractability of his temper. 

The Protestant princes had now received such an 
accession to their courage, that in passing through 
the different cities of Germany, on their way to 
Augsburg, they caused the ministers in their train to 
preach regularly before them. On arriving at Augs- 
burg, they continued desirous of being indulged in 
this important privilege. But Charles was prevailed 
on by the popish agents to discourage this reasonable 

* Maimb. L. ii. Seckend. L. ii. 152. 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 265 



expectation. Luther's advice being asked by the 
Protestants, he recommended that a petition should 
be presented to the emperor, but that if the point 
was not amicably conceded, it should not be farther 
insisted on. This moderate counsel, combined with 
other incidents in Luther's life, furnishes a proof of 
the singular union of impatience and forbearance 
which entered into the composition of his character. 

It was at this Diet that the Protestants presented 
the celebrated declaration known by the name of the 
Augsburg Confession. It extended to the length of 
twenty-eight chapters, and contained both an enume- 
ration of the doctrine of the reformed, and an expo- 
sition of the errors of the church of Rome. It pro- 
ceeded from the pen of Melancthon, and was an ex- 
pansion of the seventeen articles drawn up in a com- 
pressed form by Luther.* 

Luther, while residing at Cobourg, suffered several 
attacks of ill health, but nothing could relax his ap- 
plication to his studies. He employed his time in 
the translation of the Books of the Prophets, and in 
composing his Commentary on the Psalms. From 
the fatigue of these graver employments he sought 
relaxation in composing an admonition to the clergy 
assembled at Augsburg, which he thought proper to 
send to that city to be printed. It was entitled, "Ad- 
monitio ad Ecclesiastici or dinis congregates in Comi- 
tiis AugustanisP As a further amusement, he passed 
a part of his time in writing satirical letters to his 

* See for a full account of every thing connected with this 
ei Confession," Celestine's History of the Augsburg Diet, pub- 
lished in 1577; also Chytraeus, who wrote expressly an account 
of this test of orthodoxy. See likewise Seckendorff on the year 
1530. 

J2L 



266 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



friends, and in making a translation of " iEsop's Fa- 
bles." But whether his occupations were serious or 
playful, he made it a rule to pass a considerable time 
of each day in the exercises of devotion. Thus, 
though alone and absent both from his family and 
his literary associates, he felt nothing of the languor 
of inactivity or solitude. He kept his mind steadily 
occupied with one thing or another, and found, in 
this constant application, the best solace for the dis- 
quietude inseparable from a cause in which such 
powerful interest was set at work in opposition to 
his wishes. 

The proceedings of the Diet of Augsburg were 
such as to put the patience and courage of the Pro- 
testants to the test. All their efforts were unable to 
counteract the effects of the connection between 
Charles and the pope, joined to the bigoted attach- 
ment of many members of the Diet to the church. 
There was reason to apprehend that ere long hostile 
measures might be employed against them. Under 
this impression, the protestant princes, although re- 
luctant to resort to force, felt the necessity of hold- 
ing frequent communications for the purpose of ce- 
menting their union and of apprizing their enemies 
of their strength. Hence the origin of the meetings 
which were subsequently held at Smalcald and 
Frankfort. In all these transactions, Luther took a 
lively interest, and his enemies went so far as to de- 
clare him the advocate of disobedience to the Impe- 
rial authority. On this, Luther had recourse to his 
usual medium of vindication, the press. To Charles, 
as a civil ruler, he professed all lawful submission, 
but farther he could not go. No authority, how- 
ever elevated, could bind him to obey mandates 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 267 



which were immoral and unjust, a description fully 
applicable, in his opinion, to orders hostile to the re- 
formed doctrine. 

The resistance thus justified in religious matters, 
was not very remote from the display of a similar 
spirit in regard to civil government. It is accord- 
ingly to the Reformation that Europe, and particu- 
larly our own country, are indebted for the chief part 
of the liberty which they enjoy. Before the age of 
Luther, resistance on the part of the people to pe- 
remptory commands of the executive power was a 
thing unknown throughout almost all Europe. The 
share of freedom enjoyed in earlier ages had been 
confined to the aristocracy, and had been greatly 
abridged by the successive usurpations of the throne 
and the altar. 

In the course of the year 1531, a reconciliation 
took place between the elector John and duke George, 
an event which excited the most lively sensations of 
joy throughout the whole of Saxony. The severity 
of Luther's language to the duke being strongly in 
the recollection of the elector, his chancellor received 
it in charge to warn Luther against giving the duke 
any fresh provocations. The chancellor having made 
the communication in writing, soon received an an- 
swer from the Reformer. It bore the marks of a 
remembrance of past injury, and was expressed as 
follows : 

" I have many reasons to be dissatisfied with duke 
George, but I will not wantonly write against him. 
Nay, in order that peace and concord may be main- 
tained between the elector and duke, I will pardon 
all that the latter has done against me, on condition 
of his creating me no new cause of uneasiness, and 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



of leaving me at liberty to answer my other adver- 
saries."* 

Luther was too much occupied with clerical duty 
to publish much in the course of this year. He sup- 
plied at Wittemberg the place of his friend Pome- 
ran us, and did duty not only on Sundays but on Wed- 
nesdays and Saturdays. His attention was likewise 
diverted from any thing in the shape of controversy, 
by the death of his mother, which took place this 
year. He loved her tenderly, and had addressed to 
her, in her illness, a letter of condolence, which he 
afterwards printed. Her death, however, took place 
in the course of nature, and the loss thus sustained 
was confined to a private circle. But the public was 
destined to suffer a loss of a different kind — the loss 
of Zwinglius and Ocolampadius. Zwinglius fell in 
the field of battle on the 11th October, when, accord- 
ing to the ancient custom of the inhabitants of Zu- 
rich, he, as chief magistrate, led on his countrymen 
to action. He was left on the spot where he fell, and 
his barbarous enemies treated his dead body with 
great indignity. He was in the vigour of life, being 
four years younger than Luther. Ocolampadius was 
a few years older, having reached the age of forty- 
nine. His affection for Zwinglius was of the most 
tender and ardent kind. His health had for some 
time been indifferent, but the loss of his excellent 
friend rendered irremediable a malady which till then 
had been only doubtful, and affected him so deeply, 
that after becoming progressively worse and worse, 
he expired on the 1 st December. 

During the following year, 1532, Luther published 
commentaries on different portions of Scripture. It 

* Seckend. L. iii. p. 16. 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 269 



was now that he was destined to lose a valuable 
friend and protector in the person of John, elector of 
Saxony, who expired of apoplexy on 16th August, 
being cut off, like his brother Frederick, in his sixty- 
third year. Luther and Melancthon were sent for, 
on his being struck with the fatal complaint, but they 
arrived only in time to see him at the point of death.* 
His conduct proved him a warm friend to the cause of 
the Reformation, and his personal attachment to Lu- 
ther was equally strong. He was accustomed to 
sooth the Reformer's mind when in distress, and to 
desire him to forbear anxiety about his wife and chil- 
dren, declaring that he would make provision for 
them as for his own. 

The death of the elector John put a period to the 
short harmony between his government and that of 
his relation duke George. The Reformation had 
never been openly suffered to spread in the duke's 
dominions, and its secret progress was a source of the 
greatest jealousy to him. But to arrest its extension, 
or to recall the converts to the church, exceeded his 
power, zealous as he was. Some persons, who found 
the restraints imposed on the exercise of their mode 
of worship extremely inconvenient, determined to re- 
move to a quarter where they might have it in their 
power to serve God and receive the ordinances of 
Christ according to their conscience. To enjoy this 
liberty, they forsook their home and repaired to the 
neighbouring territory of the elector. Others had 
been sent from their residence by the duke's order. 
Luther, affected with the restraint imposed on those 
who remained at Leipsic, had written to them conso- 
latory letters, but perceiving that gentle means were 

* Seckend. L. iii. p. 30. Mosh. Vol. iii. 360. 



270 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



not likely to obtain a favourable change in the duke's 
treatment, he determined to break silence and to hold 
up the duke to public odium.* This, as usual, he 
performed with unrelenting severity, and had no 
hesitation in declaring him " an apostle of the devil." 
So extraordinary a charge enraged the duke exceed- 
ingly, and produced an application to the regency of 
the electorate for an interposition of their authority 
to prevent a recurrence of similar invectives. To 
sooth the duke's rage, Luther was called upon either 
to make an apology, or to assign the reason for ap- 
plying such odious language to a prince, the near re- 
lation of the house of Saxony. As usual, Luther re- 
turned a prompt answer to the demand. But the 
defence was, if possible, worse than the accusation, 
because he exhibited, without reserve, his reasons for 
conceiving the title exactly applicable to the duke. 
It was not, he said, as a civil ruler, but as a persecu- 
tor of the church of Christ, that he had ventured to 
make him the object of such language. The series 
of arguments in support of this ungracious distinction 
were of the most downright and provoking descrip- 
tion. The duke was not of a disposition to suffer in 
silence, and a controversy arose which was protracted 
to a considerable length. f 

Though Zwinglius and Ocolampadius were no 
more, the never-ending discussions about the sacra- 
ment occupied this year a considerable share of Lu- 
ther's attention. It was in vain that Bucer attempted 
to persuade him that the difference was more in 

* George had banished from Leipsic about eighty citizens with 
their wives and children. The date of Luther's letter was 4th Oc- 
tober, 1532. 

t Sleid. L. ix. Seckend. L. iii. from p. 55 to p. 59. 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 271 



words than in reality. Luther had very little idea of 
conceding even a point of form for the mere sake of 
conciliation, and in none of his opinions was he more 
pertinacious than in this. Truly might he say to his 
friendly antagonist, Bucer, " Quicquid dico in hac 
summd Eucharistce causa, ex corde dico."* Bucer, 
however, continued a staunch adherent to the Refor- 
mation, and was of the most essential service in stop- 
ping the progress of controversy on this point as well 
in Germany as elsewhere. 

The subject which now chiefly engaged the public 
attention was the expected call of a general Council. 
The reformed were solicitous for the measure, in the 
hope of reducing the prerogative of the pontiff, 
while the moderate and well-intentioned part of 
the Catholics looked to it as the means of stopping 
the farther progress of schism. The majority of the 
Germanic body considered it the only effectual me- 
thod for the preservation of peace, and had made 
repeated applications for it to the court of Rome. 
After many delays, the unsteady and irresolute Cle- 
ment VII. at last declared his assent to the long ex- 
pected convocation. Whether he was sincere in this 
declaration, or, as is more probable, meant only an 
apparent concession to the wish of the German Diet, 
the occurrence of his death, in the midst of the ne- 
gotiation, has left a matter of uncertainty. Alexan- 
der Farnese, to whom Clement had, in a manner, 
bequeathed the pontificate, succeeded him without 
opposition, and assumed the name of Paul III. Be- 
ing descended of a Roman family, his accession was 
matter of great joy to the inhabitants of that city, 
who, during three centuries, had been ruled by 

*Seckend. L. iii. 62. 



272 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



strangers. Paul proceeded, or affected to proceed, 
on the plan of making arrangements for the convo- 
cation of a Council. But as the Reformed were now 
too numerous to be refused access to the Council, 
Paul determined, as a preliminary step, to despatch 
a confidential person to confer with their leading 
men. His nuncio in Germany, Peter Paul Verger, 
a native of I stria, and a favourite of Paul's prede- 
cessor, was chosen for this commission. This person 
proceeded to Wittemberg to meet Luther. The in- 
terview was, as might be expected, not a little re- 
markable. Of the various accounts which have been 
given of it, Seckendorff's bears the greatest appear- 
ance of truth. It will be found a very amusing reci- 
tal, and we give it nearly in that author's own words. 

" When the pope's nuncio reached Wittemberg 
on 6th November, 1535, with a suite travelling on 
twenty horses, he was conducted, with all due re- 
spect, into the castle by the prefect of the province. 
Next day, Sunday, Luther ordered his barber to be 
sent for at an early hour, and on seeing the man sur- 
prised at the call, he said jocularly, that he was in- 
vited to visit the pope's nuncio, and was unwilling to 
appear before him in a slovenly dress. — If properly 
equipped, he might have a chance to be thought 
younger than he was, and thus alarm his opponents 
by the prospect of living a long time. Having dressed 
himself in his best suit, he put round his neck an or- 
nament, which he had probably received as a pre- 
sent from the elector. His barber being surprised at 
this, and remarking that it would give offence, Lu- 
ther declared, " That is the very reason for my putting 
it on. The pope's adherents have not been sparing 
of offence to us, and this is the way to treat serpents 



EROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 273 

and foxes." Having stepped into a carriage along 
with Pomeranus, who had been sent from the castle, 
he observed, in the same vein of humour, " Here sit 
the pope of Germany and cardinal Pomeranus. This 
is the work of God." On reaching the nuncio's re- 
sidence, Luther was immediately admitted to him, 
but not saluted with his customary titles. They pro- 
ceeded to converse about calling a council, when 
Luther expressed his apprehension that the pope was 
not in earnest, and meant only to amuse them. " Were 
it even to assemble, nothing of consequence was like- 
ly," he said, " to be transacted. Unmeaning discus- 
sions about tonsures and vestments were more likely 
to take up their attention than the doctrines of faith, 
justification, t>r Christian concord." He added, " I 
and those who think with me have our minds tho- 
roughly made up in regard to faith. The assistance 
of a Council in that respect is necessary only to those 
ignorant creatures who borrow their creed from 
others. But if you will actually call a Council, I 
will come, though the consequence might be that 
you committed me to the flames." On the legate 
inquiring what town he would prefer for the assem- 
blage of a Council, Luther replied, " Let it be where- 
ever you like, at Mantua, Petavia, Florence, or else- 
where." The nuncio then asking if he had any 
objection to Bologna, Luther inquired in whose pos- 
session that city was, and on understanding that the 
pope had possession of it, he expressed surprise that 
his Holiness should have seized upon it, but added 
that he would go thither likewise. The nuncio hav- 
ing afterwards said, that it might happen that the 
pope would come to Wittemberg, Luther replied, 
" Let him come ; we should be very glad to see him 

2M 



274 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



here." " But do you wish," rejoined Verger, f that 
he should come with an army, or not?" " Just as he 
pleases," said Luther ; " we shall expect him in either 
way." The legate proceeded to ask if priests were 
consecrated in Saxony. " Certainly they are," replied 
Luther, " because the pope does not choose to ordain 
any for us ;" and added, pointing to Pomeranus, 
" Here is a bishop whom we have consecrated." 
During the whole conversation Luther made it a rule 
to be unreserved with the nuncio, as well in regard 
to the views of the Protestants, as to his- own con- 
tinued antipathy to the church of Rome. On the 
breaking up of the conversation, Verger, imitating 
Luther's jocular manner, called to him, " Take care 
that you be ready for the Council ;" to which Lu- 
ther replied, with a significant gesture, "I tuillcome, 
with this neck of mine." 

Verger is represented by the Catholic writers to 
have been a most unfit person to conduct such a ne- 
gotiation, a censure probably incurred by his eventual 
desertion of the church. He thought proper to give 
a very different account of this interview from that 
which is inserted in Luther's works ; but Father Paul 
has given us a circumstantial narrative of it, according, 
in every material point, with that of Luther's friends. 
The conference, as related above, contains every mark 
of authenticity. The display of Luther's humour, 
and the independence of his tone, are quite in unison 
with his general character. After the interview with 
Luther, the nuncio proceeded to hold conferences 
with the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of 
Hesse, which led to nothing of importance. 

The year 1536 was remarkable for the death of 
the great Erasmus. It is much to be lamented that 



FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 



275 



his dispute with Luther was revived two years be- 
fore with a great share of mutual asperity, Luther 
having gone so far as to bring the charge of atheism 
against his antagonist. Improperly as Erasmus 
acted in his latter years, he deserves to be regarded 
as one of the principal founders of the Reformation. 
His indefatigable labours in the cause of literature, 
and the length to which, at one time, he went in 
ridiculing popish superstition, were highly instru- 
mental in preparing the public mind for the reception 
of a better doctrine. " Illius scriptis" says a corres- 
pondent of Melancthon,* " primum via strata Luthe- 
ro, et lampas, docte Philippe, tibi." 

Luther's last controversy with Erasmus was fol- 
lowed by one with a very different description of 
opponents — the Anabaptists. That sect had recently 
exposed itself to the indignation of the public by 
the most unexampled excesses. They had taken 
forcible possession of the city of Munster, and had 
begun to mark their mode of living by vices wholly 
at variance with the good order of society. They 
were accordingly very fit objects for the angry effu- 
sions of Luther, as well as for resistance by force of 
arms on the part of the civil power. 

A task of a more acceptable kind remained to be 
performed by desire of the young elector of Saxony, 
the son of John. That prince was anxious for a 
shorter summary of the Protestant creed than the 
Augsburg Confession. He applied accordingly to 
Luther, who drew it up with the assistance of 
Amsdorff, Agricola, and Spalatin. The fruit of 
their joint labours has been generally known by the 
name of the " Articles of Smalcald." 

* Buckholzer. 



276 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



CHAPTER XI. 

FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 

WE are now arrived at Luther's fifty-fourth year p 
the period of his life at which his attacks of ill health 
first became serious. Excess in sedentary confine- 
ment had concurred with mental agitation to expose 
to severe inroads a constitution which had never been 
strong. The chief support of his health had con- 
sisted in his steady temperance; an advantage to 
which he, no doubt, owed the preservation of it during 
the years subsequent to the indisposition which we 
are now about to mention. 

In the beginning of 1537, Luther was afflicted 
with a strangury, and the symptoms were so severe 
that both he and his friends began to despair of his 
life. In a letter to his wife of 18th February, he thus 
expressed himself: " In short, I was at the point of 
death, and I commended you and our little ones to 
God, our good master. I had given up all hopes of 
seeing you again, and felt great sympathy for you. 
I laid my account with the grave; but so many 
prayers and tears were poured out to God for my re- 
covery, that it pleased him to afford me relief, and I 
am now considerably revived." 

During this alarming illness, much anxiety was 
manifested for his recovery, as well by his friends as 
by the public characters who favoured the Reforma- 
tion. His recovery appears to have been complete, 
and he was enabled to resume his labours in the cause 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 277 



of religion. In these he steadily persevered during 
the remaining nine years of his life. He prepared for 
the press two editions of his great work, the transla- 
tion of the Bible, and published them successively in 
1541 and 1545. He collected also his various com- 
positions and printed them in a connected shape, with 
an introduction which has supplied many useful 
materials to his biographers. He continued to dis- 
charge, with his accustomed zeal, his official duty as 
a preacher and a professor. He published, likewise, 
commentaries on various parts of Scripture, and 
showed no inclination to relinquish his former habit 
of sending forth a popular treatise whenever circum- 
stances in the state of religion appeared to call for it. 
But, amid these various occupations, it was remarked 
that his enterprising spirit appeared to undergo abate- 
ment, and that in his latter years, he was found to 
hazard no new doctrines. This alteration should, 
however, be ascribed as much to the matured state of 
the Reformation as to the progress of Luther's years. 
The season was now come in which it was fitter to 
defend established opinions than to advance others 
that were new. Judicious and appropriate as this 
plan of conduct was, it has unavoidably the effect of 
shortening the narrative of Luther's latter years. An 
account of his publications at this time of life would 
be, in a great measure, a recapitulation of the subjects 
mentioned in the former part of our book. 

An event of great importance to the progress of the 
Reformation in Luther's neighbourhood took place 
in 1539. This was the death of his obstinate oppo- 
nent, George, duke of Saxony. So bigoted was this 
prince to the last, that he introduced into his will a 
clause bequeathing his territory to the emperor and 



278 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



king of the Romans, if his brother Henry, who was 
his natural successor, should apostatize from the Ca- 
tholic religion. Henry, however, knew too well the 
secret wish of his subjects to be alarmed at this death- 
bed menace. He lost no time in inviting Luther 
along with other Reformers to Leipsic, and in ac- 
complishing, with their assistance, that revolution in 
the mode of worship which had long been desired by 
the people. 

The years 1540 and 1541 were remarkable for 
conferences held between the leading advocates of 
the Protestants and Catholics, with a view to an 
agreement on the principal topics in dispute. These 
took place first at Worms, and afterwards, under cir- 
cumstances of greater solemnity, at Ratisbon. This 
measure originated with the Protestants, and had the 
cordial wishes of the German Catholics, who desired, 
above all things, the restoration of tranquillity in their 
native country. A greater approximation to concord 
was made on this than on any former occasion ; Me- 
lancthon and Bucer on the part of the Protestants, 
and Grapper, a canon of Cologne, on that of the Ca- 
tholics, conducting their disquisitorial labours in a 
very friendly tone. Eckius also assisted at these con- 
ferences, and appears to have dropped much of the 
vehemence of his earlier years. After all, the trouble 
of these distinguished scholars turned to very little 
account, as the points on which they agreed had little 
application to practice. They concurred in specula- 
tive tenets, but differed widely in regard to that most 
important topic, the pope's authority. Had they 
even gone the length of harmonizing on this point, 
matters would have been little farther advanced, as 
the pope and the Italian Catholics disclaimed the 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 279 



concessions made by the Romish doctors at these 
conferences, and disapproved of the measure alto- 
gether. Luther, who had no idea of compromise, 
remonstrated resolutely against the yielding tone 
adopted by his friends; and the young elector of 
Saxony cordially joined him in disapproving all such 
concessions. They looked forward confidently to 
the eventual triumph of their cause ; and the progress 
made, from year to year, by the Reformation, ap- 
peared to justify their hopes. 

It was in 1 545, in Luther's sixty-second year, that 
his constitution began to exhibit strong symptoms of 
decline. He had for some time back been subject to 
attacks of a malady not unusual among sedentary men 
— the stone; and in this year, the attacks of the 
complaint became both more frequent and severe* 
At midsummer his friend Pontanus mentioned in a 
letter that Luther had then laboured during eight 
days under that excruciating disease. In addition, 
his attacks of headach, which had long been trou- 
blesome, now assumed an aggravated appearance. 
The injury caused to the system by these attacks was 
manifest in the impaired sight of one of his eyes. 
Such a complication of illness led his friends, as well 
as himself, to conclude that the period of his dissolu- 
tion was not very remote. On the part of his ene- 
mies an indecent wish to anticipate the event did not 
allow them to wait the progress of nature. Impa- 
tient to record the end of the man who had been 
foremost in the career of Reformation, they published 
premature accounts of his death and funeral. They 
had even the malignity to assert that the course of 
nature was inverted, and that the elements themselves 
had testified their abhorrence of the heretic. Luther, 



280 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



however, lived long enough to publish a contradic- 
tion, and to expose to shame the propagators of 
these falsehoods. 

But bodily infirmity was not the only misfortune 
of Luther. That constitutional ardour which en- 
abled him to brave the threats of ecclesiastical and 
temporal rulers, was connected with a temper, pro- 
ductive, in several respects, of much uneasy sensa- 
tion to its possessor. The effect produced by the 
opinions of Zwinglius throughout a considerable part 
of the Reformed body, appears to have caused him 
much disquietude. His own arguments on the long 
disputed subject of the sacrament, were by no means 
of that clear and forcible nature that enabled him 
either to persuade others or to establish completely 
his own conviction. The want of earnestness, too, 
in this point, of the friend of his heart, Melancthon, 
was a source of great vexation to him. That emi- 
nent man, as different from Luther in point of temper 
as can well be imagined, was contented to be re- 
garded as a disciple of the Reformer.. They had la- 
boured together during many years, and had gone 
through life with a harmony and cordiality which 
has seldom been surpassed. Whether Melancthon 
privately favoured the Zwinglian notion of the sacra- 
ment, and was withheld from an open declaration by 
respect for his friend, is not known ; but that he did 
not enter with any ardour into Luther's tenets on 
that subject, is abundantly apparent. By a man of 
Luther's zeal the slightest deficiency of acquiescence 
in religious doctrine was magnified into confirmed 
opposition. The elector of Saxony, apprehensive 
of the progress of disunion among the Protestants, 
thought it necessary to commission his chancellor 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 281 



Pontanus, to recommend forbearance to Luther on 
the subject of the sacrament. 

It happened also very unfortunately, that the even- 
ing of Luther's day was clouded by an altercation 
with the lawyers on the subject of clandestine mar- 
riages. So strong was the effect of this accumulation 
of chagrin, that Luther lost his attachment to his fa- 
vourite city, Wittemberg, and left it, in the month of 
July, (1545,) apparenly determined never to return. 
His wife remaining there, he charged her to inform 
his friends Pomeranus and Melancthon that he had 
retired, because he could no longer endure the con- 
tradiction and displeasure to which he was subjected. 
This intelligence, when it came to be publicly known 
at Wittemberg, was productive of deep and general 
regret; Luther having long been endeared to the in- 
habitants, both by the sincerity of his heart and by 
the extraordinary services which he had rendered to 
their city. His fame in early life, as a professor, 
and his wonderful reputation after becoming a re- 
former, had attracted crowds of students to the uni- 
versity, and had been the source of great advantage 
to the citizens. Melancthon's affection for him con- 
tinued unabated, and so deeply was he distressed by 
his departure, that without inquiring whether his 
grievances were well founded, he was eager to fol- 
low and pass in his society the remainder of life. 
The consequence of this concurrent feeling was an 
application, on the part of the university, to the 
elector (on first August,) entreating him most ear- 
nestly to use his influence and authority to prevail 
on Luther, whom they called their dear and reverend 
father, to return. They promised that whatever 
had given him offence should be corrected. The 

2 ; N 



282 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



elector wrote forthwith to Luther, in the kindest 
and most affectionate manner, and even took the 
trouble to send his physician, Razenberg, to whom 
he begged that he would unbosom himself in the 
most confidential manner. Luther yielded to those 
cordial solicitations, and consented to resume once 
more his residence at Wittemberg. Here, though de- 
clining health necessarily contracted the degree of his 
exertion, he continued to write against the doctors of 
Louvain and other adherents of the papacy with 
an energy that revived the recollection of his better 
years.* 

Though Luther continued in his original poverty, 
and had little ambition to interfere in affairs of busi- 
ness, his integrity and high character for judgment 
induced many persons to apply to him for advice. 
A dispute had for some time existed between the 
counts of Mansfeld respecting the brass and silver 
mines at Eisleben, his native place. He had been 
prevailed on to undertake the difficult task of at- 
tempting to compose these differences, and had ac- 
tually made a journey thither, but without success. 
The parties now appearing more disposed to recon- 
ciliation, he was again induced, notwithstanding his 
infirmity, to undertake a repetition of the journey. 
In doing this he complied with the wish both of the 
counts of Mansfeld and of the elector of Saxony, 
who had interested himself in the business. That 
Luther was in a very feeble state will appear from 
the following extract of a letter to a friend, written on 
17th January, 1546, only six days before he set out. 
" I write to you though old, decrepid, inactive, lan- 
guid, and now possessed of only one eye. When 

* Seckend. L. iii. 581, 582, 583. 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 283 



drawing to the brink of the grave, I had hopes of 
obtaining a reasonable share of rest, but I continue 
to be overpowered with writing, preaching, and bu- 
siness, in the same manner as if I had not discharged 
my part in these duties in the early period of life." 
Razenberg had some time before prescribed the 
opening of an issue in his left leg. This was found 
to afford him considerable relief, and to enable him 
to walk to church and to the university to lecture. 
On going to Eisleben, however, he neglected to take 
proper dressings with him, and, from the pressure of 
business, unfortunately paid it little or no attention, 
a neglect which was evidently a cause of accelera- 
ting his death. 

Nothing could be more indicative of Luther's ar- 
dour than the undertaking of a journey in the month 
of January, under such a pressure of bodily infirmi- 
ties. The river Issel having overflowed its banks, 
he was five days on the road. His companions were 
his three sons, John, Martin, and Paul, and his 
steady friend Justus Jonas. The counts of Mans- 
feld rode out attended by a hundred horsemen, and 
followed by a crowd of adherents to the reformed 
doctrine, to meet the illustrious stranger. Soon after 
entering Eisleben, Luther suffered an access of ex- 
treme debility, a circumstance not unusual with him 
on engaging in a matter of deep interest. But this 
attack was more serious than on former occasions. 
He recovered, however, and seemed to enjoy the 
hospitality which his friends were anxious to show 
him. His time was past in an attention to his cus- 
tomary hours of daily prayer, in the transaction of 
the business which had called him to Eisleben, and 
in cheerful and good humoured conversation. He 



284 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



partook twice of the Lord's supper, and preached 
three or four times before the progressive advance of 
his malady led to the exhaustion of his frame. After 
passing nearly three weeks at Eisleben, his illness 
was productive of a fatal termination. He expired, 
surrounded by friends, and under a full sense of the 
nature of his situation. A letter written by Jonas 
to the elector of Saxony, a few hours after the oc- 
currence of this melancholy event, gives a clear and 
faithful account of the circumstances attending it: 

" It is with a sorrowful heart that I communicate 
the following information to your Highness. Al- 
though our venerable father in Christ, doctor Martin 
Luther, felt himself unwell before leaving Wittem- 
berg, as also during his journey to this place, and 
complained of weakness on his arrival ; he was ne- 
vertheless present at dinner and supper every day in 
which we were engaged in the business of the counts. 
His appetite was pretty good, and he used humour- 
ously to observe, that in his native country they well 
knew what he ought to eat and drink. His rest at 
night also was such as could not be complained of. 
His two youngest sons, Martin and Paul, were ac- 
customed, along with me and one or two men ser- 
vants, to sleep in his bed -room, accompanied some- 
times by M. Michael Coelius, a clergyman of Eisle- 
ben. As he had for some time back been accustomed 
to have his bed warmed, we made it a rule to do this 
regularly before he retired to rest. Every night on 
taking leave of us, he was accustomed to say " Pray 
to God that the cause of his church may prosper, for 
the Council of Trent is vehemently enraged against 
it." The physician who attended caused the medi- 
cines to which he had been accustomed to be brought 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546..* 285 



from Wittemberg ; and his wife, of her own accord, 
sent some others. The affairs of the counts of Mans- 
feld continued to require his attention every other 
day, or sometimes at an interval of two days. He 
was accustomed to transact business for one or two 
hours, along with Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, and 
John Henry, count Schwarzburg. But yesterday, 
Wednesday the 17th of February, prince Anhalt? 
count Schwarzburg, and the rest of us, prevailed on 
him to remain in his study till mid -day, and to do no 
business. He walked through the room in his un- 
dress, looked at times out of the window, and prayed 
earnestly. He was all along pleasant and cheerful, 
but took occasion to say to Ccelius and me, " I 
was born and baptized at Eisleben, what if I should 
remain and die here." In the early part of the 
evening he began to complain of an oppression at 
his breast, and had it rubbed with a linen cloth. 
This afforded him some ease. A little after he said, 
" It is not pleasant to me to be alone," and repaired 
to supper in the parlour. He ate with appetite, 
ws cheerful and even jocular. He expounded 
several remarkable passages in Scripture, and said, 
once or twice in the course of conversation, " If I 
succeed in effecting concord between the proprietors 
of my native country, I shall return home and rest in 
my grave." 

" After supper he again complained of the oppres- 
sion at his breast, and asked for a warm linen cloth. 
He would not allow us to send for medical assist- 
ance, and slept on a couch during two hours and a 
half. Coelius, Drachsted, the master of the house, 
whom we called in along with his wife, the town 
clerk, the two sons and myself, sat by him watching 



286 v k THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 

till half past eleven. He then desired that his bed 
might be warmed, which was done with great care. 
I, his two sons, his servant Ambrose whom he had 
brought from Wittemberg, and other servants, lay 
down in the same room ; Coelius was in the adjoin- 
ing room. At one in the morning he awoke Am- 
brose and me, and desired that one of the adjoining 
rooms might be warmed, which was done. He then 
said to me, " O Jonas, how ill I am ; I feel an op- 
pressive weight at my breast, and shall certainly die 
at Eisleben." I answered, " God, our heavenly fa- 
ther, will assist you by Christ whom you have 
preached." Meantime, Ambrose made haste and 
led him, after he got up, into the adjoining room, 
He got thither without any other assistance, and in 
passing the threshold said aloud, " Into thy hands I 
commit my spirit." He then began to walk about, 
but in a short time asked for warm linen cloths. 
Meantime we had sent into the town for two phy- 
sicians, who came immediately. Count Albert like- 
wise being called, he came along with the countess, 
the latter bringing some cordials and other medicines. 
Luther now prayed, saying, " O my heavenly Fa- 
ther, eternal and merciful God, thou hast revealed 
to me thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. I have 
preached him, I have confessed him, I love him, and 
I worship him as my dearest Saviour and Redeemer, 
him whom the wicked persecute, accuse, and blas- 
pheme." He then repeated three times the words 
of the psalm, " Into thy hands I commit my spirit — 
God of truth thou hast redeemed me." Whilst the 
physicians and we applied medicines, he began to 
lose his voice and to become faint ; nor did he an- 
swer us, though we called aloud to him and moved 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 287 



him. On the countess again giving him a little cor- 
dial, and the physician requesting that he would at- 
tempt to give an answer, he said, in a feeble tone of 
voice, to Coelius and me, "yes" or "no," accord- 
ing as the question seemed to require. When we 
said to him, " Dearest father, do you verily confess 
Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our Saviour and Re- 
deemer," he replied, " Yes," so as to be distinctly 
heard. Afterward his forehead and face began to get 
cold, and although we moved him and called him by 
name, he gave no answer, but, with his hands clasped, 
continued to breathe slowly until he expired between 
two and three o'clock. John Henry, count Schwartz- 
burg, arrived early and was present at his death. — 
Though much affected by the loss of him who has 
been our teacher during twenty-five years, we have 
thought it proper to give your Highness the earliest 
intimation of his death, that you may be pleased to 
give us directions concerning the funeral. We shall 
remain here until we receive them. We pray also 
that you may write to the count how to proceed. 
He would like to retain the body in Luther's native 
country, but he will obey the orders of your High- 
ness. We also beg your Highness to write to his 
wife, to Melancthon, Pomeranus, and Cruciger, be- 
cause you know better how to do it than we. May 
God, our omnipotent Father, comfort you and us in 
our affliction.* 

" Eisleben, Thursday, 18th February, 1546. " 

This affecting letter reached the elector of Saxony 
on the day on which it was written. He immedi- 
ately intimated to the counts of Mansfeld how much 

* Sleid. L. xvi. Seckend. L. iii. 634, et seq. 



288 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, 



he was affected by Luther's death, and requested 
them to permit the body to be brought away, that it 
might be buried in the church of All Saints at Wit- 
temberg. Jonas has given a minute account of the 
removal of the body and of the interment. 

The day after his death, 19th February, at two 
o'clock in the afternoon, the body was brought with 
great solemnity into the church of St. Andrew, the 
largest at Eisleben. It was attended by the prince 
of Anhalt, the prince's brothers, and many other no- 
blemen, along with a number of ladies of rank, and 
an immense concourse of the lower orders. Jonas 
preached the funeral sermon from the fourth chapter 
of 1 Thessalonians, verse 14th, " If we believe that 
Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which 
sleep in Jesus, will God bring with him." When he 
had concluded, the congregation separated, having 
left the body in the church under the care of ten citi- 
zens, who were to guard it during the night. On 
hearing that the body was to be carried to Wittem- 
berg, Michael Ccelius gave a discourse next morning, 
taking his text from Isaiah lvii. verse 1st. "The 
righteous perisheth, and no man layeth it to heart — 
none considering that the righteous is taken away 
from the evil to come. He shall enter into peace." 
After mid-day, all the persons whom we have men- 
tioned, accompanied the body from the church through 
the city and beyond the gate. The countrymen, as- 
sembled by the ringing of bells, came, with their 
wives and children, with tears in their eyes, to meet 
the melancholy procession. The body was brought 
to Halle about five in the afternoon, and was met 
at the gate by the senators and clergy. The streets 
of the city were so crowded by the multitude, that 



FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 289 



the procession moved on with difficulty. The hour 
was too late for the delivery of a discourse, but a 
psalrn (the 130th) was given out, and sung in so- 
lemn harmony by the numerous assemblage. Early 
next morning, the senate, clergy and scholars, at- 
tended the departure of the body. On Monday, 
22d, the funeral reached Wittemberg, and was re- 
ceived at the gate by the senate, the members of 
the university, and a numerous body of citizens. 
From the gate the procession moved, in solemn or- 
der, to the church, the prefect of Wittemberg with 
the counts of Mansfeld and their horsemen leading 
the way. The body followed in a carriage, and 
Luther's wife and family, accompanied by his bro- 
ther James from Mansfeld, were immediately be- 
hind. Next came the rector of the university and 
several sons of counts, princes and barons, who 
were students at Wittemberg. Pontanus, Melanc- 
thon, Jonas, Pomeranus, Cruciger, and other elderly 
ecclesiastics, now appeared, and were succeeded by 
the professors, the senators, the students, and the 
citizens. An immense crowd of the lower orders 
followed in the rear. The body was deposited in 
the church on the right of the pulpit. After the 
singing of hymns, Pomeranus ascended the pulpit, 
and delivered an excellent discourse. When he 
had concluded, Melancthon pronounced a funeraj 
oration, which, while it bore affecting marks of his 
personal sorrow, was intended to afford consola- 
tion to others and to alleviate the grief of the church. 
These melancholy offices being performed, the body 
was committed to the grave by several members of 
the university. A stone was placed over the grave, 
with a plain inscription, expressive merely of the 

2Q 



290 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



name and age. A picture of Luther and an epitaph 
were afterwards affixed to the wall by order of the 
university. 



We are now about to bring our account of this 
distinguished man to a close. We have followed 
him throughout a career, which, if not lengthened 
in point of time beyond the ordinary course of na- 
ture, was rendered for ever memorable by his inde- 
fatigable activity of mind. At whatever age we 
contemplate Luther, we find the traits of no com- 
mon disposition. While yet a boy, we have seen 
him devoting himself with ardour to study, and out- 
stripping his youthful competitors in classic attain- 
ments. Advancing towards manhood, he loses in- 
deed a valuable portion of time in acquiring a famili- 
arity with the barbarous jargon of the schools ; but 
his progress in this unprofitable department is such 
as to afford a satisfactory indication of his success 
in a better cause. When arrived at the time of life 
for making choice of a profession, he exhibits strik- 
ing marks of a decided character. Young as he 
was, he had determined to devote himself to the 
service of God, and no entreaty of friends, no temp- 
tation of emolument, could shake his resolution. 
Having taken the conclusive step and become an in- 
habitant of a monastery, he avoids the idle and un- 
instructive habits of his brethren, and, without the 
aid of any advising friend, devotes himself to theo- 
logical research. In this he resolutely perseveres, 
notwithstanding the ridicule of those around him, 
whose knowledge of their duty was confined to the 
repetition, by rote, of a few prayers, and who had 



HIS CHARACTER. 



291 



allowed a copy of the Bible to lie for years neglected 
in a corner. N 

By one of those remarkable dispensations of Pro- 
vidence, which rendered Luther the instrument of so 
much public good, he was early placed in a situation 
to distribute to others the fruits of his study. Though 
called to officiate as a teacher of philosophy, and for 
some time, perhaps, inadequately qualified to fill 
the theological chair, the bent of inclination remained 
as before, and he embraced the first favourable op- 
portunity of making his duty consist in that which 
had long been his delight. By this change he was 
placed in the situation best fitted to enable him to 
instruct others, and to prosecute his researches into 
the true nature of Christianity. We find him ac- 
cordingly holding for several years an assiduous 
but tranquil course. The time which thus elapsed 
was sufficient to shake in him the foundation of the 
false impressions of youth, without being of a length 
to carry him beyond the years of enterprising ex- 
ertion. Under these circumstances, it is so or- 
dered that the abuses of papal corruption shall be 
brought under the eye of himself and his country- 
men in their most offensive shape. Luther is revolt- 
ed at the sight, and ventures to commence an op- 
position which, under a different sovereign, or in any 
other country in Europe, could hardly have failed 
to have been unsuccessful and disastrous. This 
opposition bears no mark of selfish motives — it im- 
plies, on the contrary, a relinquishment and forfei- 
ture of professional advancement. In all Luther's 
proceedings, various as they are, in his preachings, 
his treatises, and disputations, we discern no step 
taken for the gratification of personal advantage ; — 



292 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



all is disinterested and zealous ;— all is prompted by 
an anxiety to understand and promulgate the word 
of God. 

Though learned beyond his cotemporaries, Lu- 
ther had much to acquire after coming forward as 
an author. His theological knowledge was derived, 
in great part, from the writings of the Fathers, and, 
familiar as he was with Scripture, he had to study 
its most difficult passages without the assistance of 
intelligent commentators. It was more suitable, 
however, to his constitutional ardour to attack cor- 
ruption at once with the weapons which lay at hand, 
than to allow time to pass in preparing arms of a less 
defective character. Hence those changes and in- 
consistencies in particular topics, which, however 
suspicious in the eyes of the weak or the malignant, 
afford to the considerate observer a complete evi- 
dence of his sincerity. Conscious of pure intention, 
Luther felt no shame in acknowledging the errors 
arising from haste or engendered by early prejudice. 
He journeyed along the track of inquiry without as- 
sistance ; he was obliged to feel his way ; and it was 
only step by step that he acquired a knowledge of the 
true path. He was long in the hope that the head of 
the church would disapprove of the indecent sale of 
Indulgences, and would extend support to the man 
who came forward to denounce it. When less con- 
fident of this support, he was inclined to ascribe to 
bad advisers that protection of vice of which he ac- 
counted the pontiff incapable. Nor could he prevail 
on himself to think otherwise till after the most con- 
clusive proofs that no integrity of motive was ac- 
counted a justification of the capital crime of de- 
veloping the corruption of the church. When this 



HIS CHARACTER, 



293 



was clearly ascertained, Luther's choice was no 
longer doubtful — the establishment, which refused to 
listen to reform, became in his view an object for di- 
rect and unmitigated hostility. Many years of his 
life were yet to pass, and his views in points of doc- 
trine were destined to undergo several changes ; but 
no solicitation or argument had effect in altering his 
behaviour towards the church of Rome. 

After his rupture with the pope, and the adoption 
of the new doctrine by a numerous body of converts, 
Luther became one of the most conspicuous men in 
Europe. Princes embraced opportunities of convers- 
ing with him, and senates were not backward in ap- 
plying to him for advice. These distinctions, and 
the influence attached to them, were enjoyed by Lu- 
ther above twenty years, yet in no single instance did 
he seek to turn them to his personal advantage. In- 
difference to money is not unfrequent among men of 
his secluded habits, but how few individuals would 
have possessed Luther's power without making it 
subservient to the acquisition of rank or honours ? 
All tnese were disdained by him, and his mind re- 
mained wholly occupied with the diffusion of reli- 
gious truth. Even literary fame had no attractions 
for Luther. The improvement of the condition of 
his fellow creatures was the object which with him 
superseded every other consideration. No tempta- 
tion of ambition could remove him, in his days of ce- 
lebrity, from his favourite university of Wittemberg. 
While his doctrines spread far and wide, and wealthy 
cities would have been proud to receive him, Luther 
clung to the spot where he discharged the duty of a 
teacher, and to the associates whom he had known 
in his season of humility. 



294 



THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



In considering Luther as an author, we are struck 
with the extent and variety of his labours. They 
consist of controversial tracts, of commentaries on 
Scripture, of sermons, of letters, and of narratives 
of the chief events of his life. The leading feature 
of his controversial writings is an unvaried confi- 
dence in the goodness of his arguments. It never 
seems to occur to him to entertain a doubt of the ac- 
curacy of the proposition which he undertakes to de- 
fend. It unavoidably followed that he bestowed too 
little time on analyzing the reasoning of others, and 
on reconsidering his own. His natural temper led 
him to conceive strongly, and his triumphs over the 
Romanists powerfully seconded this constitutional 
tendency. The same warmth led him to avail him- 
self of the aid of whatever weapons were calculated 
to reach his adversary. Sarcasm in all its shapes, 
raillery, ridicule, direct personality, and even pun- 
ning, abound in his controversial tracts to a degree 
which is hardly justified by the example of other 
writers of the age. Impatience and irritability were 
his great faults, and they are abundantly conspicuous 
in his writings. No sooner had he formed an idea 
of the motives or of the doctrine of an individual at 
variance with himself, than he made it the object of 
unsparing condemnation. Hence the endless com- 
plaints from adversaries of his precipitation and rude- 
ness. Without desiring to excuse such exceptionable 
characteristics, it is due to his memory to observe 
that they originated in no malignant intention. They 
were not displayed towards inoffensive persons, nor 
were they meant as the foundation of lasting ani- 
mosity. They were often the ebullition of the mo- 
ment, and appear to have been carried, in the heat of 



HIS CHARACTER. 



295 



composition, to a greater length than was intended 
at the outset. The freedom of his language in treat- 
ing of the conduct of the great, arose partly from 
constitutional ardour, and partly from an habitual 
impression of the all-powerful claims of truth. The 
lofty attitude so often assumed by Luther is not 
therefore to be attributed to pride or vanity. In 
treating of the Scriptures, he considered himself as 
acting in the presence of God, whose majesty and 
glory were so infinitely exalted above all created be- 
ings, as to reduce to one and the same level the arti- 
ficial distinctions of worldly institutions. Under this 
conviction, the prince or the king who ventured to 
oppose what Luther considered the word of God, 
seemed to him no more exempted from severe epi- 
thets than the humblest of his adversaries. However 
we may censure the length to which his freedom 
was carried, the boldness of his conduct was, on the 
whole, productive of much good. An independent 
and manly tone in regard not only to religion, but to 
civil liberty, literature, the arts and sciences, was cre- 
ated and disseminated by his example. 

His compositions of all kinds, including sermons 
and epistolary disquisitions, are calculated, by his dis- 
tinguished biographer, Secken4or^ at the extraordi- 
nary number of eleven hundred and thirty-seven. 
When we consider, in addition, the extent of his pub- 
lic duty, and the variety of his correspondence, we 
cannot fail to admire the prodigious efforts of his in- 
dustry. Where the mass of writing was so large, 
we must expect little polish of style. Luther's ima- 
gination was vigorous, but the cultivation of taste en- 
gaged no part of his attention. His inelegance of 
style has been chiefly remarked in his Latin publica- 



296 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



tions. His taste in early life had been corrupted by 
the barbarous diction of the scholastic divines, and in 
his riper years he was too impatient to communicate 
the substance of his thoughts, to bestow much atten- 
tion on the dress in which they appeared. It suited 
his ardour to commit to paper the impression of the 
moment, and to give free course to that excitement 
which grows strongly on men of his temper in the 
progress of composition. The consequence is that his 
sentences are generally of great length ; the succeed- 
ing members appearing an expansion, and not unfre- 
quently a repetition, of what had gone before. No 
pains were taken to promote clearness, and very little 
to correct ambiguity. As he was wholly indifferent 
to the praise of elegance, he gave himself no trouble 
about the choice of words. When classical vocables 
did not readily occur to him, he had no scruple in 
making a new word by giving a Latin termination to 
an expression borrowed from the Greek, or some 
other language. His arrangement is equally defec- 
tive, and the result of all this is,, that his works are 
full of obscure passages. Some of them are so much 
involved, that it is next to impossible to make out the 
meaning. In his German compositions the case is 
different. His translation of the Bible has been al- 
ways admired, and his hymns have given way to ver- 
sifications of later date in consequence only of the 
progressive change in the language. 

His theological system he professed to found alto- 
gether on the authority of Scripture. Such, it must 
be allowed, was in a great measure the case, although 
his predilection for the writings of Augustine influ- 
enced his creed to a degree of which he was perhaps 
unconscious. Of his commentaries and sermons, 



HIS CHARACTER. 



297 



many were printed from the notes of hearers, and, 
though generally shown to him beforehand, he was 
so indifferent to fame, so immersed in business, and 
so intent on the object of the moment, that he al- 
lowed them to go forth without much correction. 
The plan of his discourses, if plan it can be called,, 
was not calculated to procure him reputation on the 
score of composition. The leading points of contro- 
versy between him and the Catholics are introduced 
on all occasions, and some of his favourite doctrines, 
such as justification by faith without works, could 
never, he seems to have thought, be out of season* 
On the other hand, few writers discover greater 
knowledge of the world, or a happier talent in ana- 
lyzing and illustrating the shades of character. In 
this respect Luther is greatly superior to those who 
form their notions of mankind in the stillness of their 
closet. It is equally remarkable that no man could 
display more forcibly the tranquil consolations of re- 
ligion. Though unable to subdue his impetuosity of 
temper, he was anxious to moderate it, and seems to 
have been perfectly acquainted with the means which 
it is incumbent on us to use for that purpose, 

Let us now turn aside from Luther's public cha- 
racter, and contemplate him in the scenes of private 
life. W arm as he was in temper, and unaccustomed 
to yield to authoritative demands, he yet possessed 
much of the milk of human kindness. Few men 
entered with more ardour into the innocent plea- 
sures of society. His frankness of disposition was 
apparent at the first interview, and his communica- 
tive turn, joined to the richness of his stores, ren- 
dered his conversation remarkably interesting. In 
treating of humorous subjects, he discovered as 

2P 



298 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



much vivacity and playfulness as if he had been a 
man unaccustomed to serious research. The visitor 
of Luther's domestic circle was assured of witnessing 
a pleasing union of religious service with conjugal 
and paternal affection. His fondness for music con- 
tinued during life, and spread a charm over the dis- 
charge of his serious duties. He was always a 
zealous advocate for the use of music in public wor- 
ship. In an evening before parting from his family 
and his friends, he was in the habit of regularly 
singing a hymn. This he usually did in a high key, 
and with all the advantage of a delightful voice. In 
his hours of occasional dejection, music proved his 
most pleasant and effectual restorative.* It was 
much to be regretted that his constitution, though 
apparently robust, by no means afforded him the 
steady enjoyment of health. Whether from taking 
too little exercise, or from the repeated occurrence 
of mental agitation, he was subject to frequent and 
severe headaches. In respect to diet, he was re- 
markably abstemious, a habit probably acquired in 
the monastery, and continued in consequence of the 
sedentary nature of his occupations. 

The diffusion of religious knowledge being always 
foremost in Luther's mind, he was fond, when 
along with his friends, of turning the conversation 
in that direction. Nor was there any objection to 
it on the part of his associates. The fluency of his 
arguments and the spirit of his illustrations were 
calculated to divest serious topics of whatever might 
be forbidding, and to give them all the attraction of 
subjects of amusement. The study of Scripture 
elucidated by Luther, appeared no longer in the 

* See Appendix F F. 



HIS CHARACTER. 



299 



light of a task, and the ponderous writings of the 
Fathers seemed in his hands divested of their cus- 
tomary incumbrance. 

If, among the numerous virtues of Luther, we 
seek for that which more particularly characterized 
him, we shall fix, without hesitation, on his con- 
tempt for the terrors of power. It was to this un- 
daunted spirit that he was chiefly indebted for his 
usefulness and celebrity. To maintain the cause of 
truth, as a servant of God, was a task in which no 
danger could appal him. His courage arose from 
no hasty resolution, and still less from any hidden 
ambition — it was a firm, deliberate determination, 
founded on thorough conviction, and unconscious of 
abatement under the most embarrassing circum- 
stances. Regardless of the threats of foes, or the 
expostulations of friends, he persevered in his course, 
and looked forward, with patience and confidence, 
to " reap in joy what he had sown in tears," 

Again, if we pass from the examination of his 
mind to a view of the different capacities in which 
he came before the public, we shall see him to 
greatest advantage in the character of a preacher. 
He mounted the pulpit full of his subject, and eager 
to diffuse a portion of his stores among his audience. 
The hearer's attention was aroused by the boldness 
and novelty of the ideas ; it was kept up by the 
ardour with which he saw the preacher inspired. 
In the discourse there was nothing of the stiffness of 
laboured composition ; in the speaker no affectation 
in voice or gesture. Luther's sole object was to 
bring the truth fully and forcibly before his congre- 
gation. His delivery was aided by a clear elocu- 



800 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. 



tion, and his diction had all the copiousness of a 
fervent imagination. 

Luther left the little property which he possessed 
to his dear Catherine de Bora. She removed after 
his death to Torgau, and survived him nearly seven 
years. His family, consisting of a daughter in addi- 
tion to the three sons already mentioned, were re- 
lieved from hereditary poverty by the liberality of 
the elector of Saxony and the counts of Mansfeld. 
The grandson of Paul, the youngest of Luther's 
sons, lived in the time of SeckendorfT, and occupied 
a respectable situation.* 



See Appendix G G, 



NOTES. 
[A. page 18.] 

IT would be tedious and disgusting to report the end- 
less calumnies circulated by the meaner class of Catholic 
writers in regard to Luther. Every thing respecting his 
birth, education and character, is made to wear an unna- 
tural shape. As a specimen, take the following assertion 
from the works of Gabriel Prateolus Mareopius, De Vitis, 
Sectis, et Dogmatibus omnium Hereticorum. Edit. Cologn. 
1569. 271: " Sunt qui Lutherum scribunt incubo natum, 
qui ejus matrem balnei, publici servulam, oppresserit." 
By incubus we are to understand a demon in human shape, 
and by way of giving farther consistency to the story, the 
appearance said to be assumed was that of a slave dealer, 
a class of men notorious for their profligacy. 

Another tale, not quite so absurd or monstrous, was the 
assertion that Luther was a native of Bohemia, and a de- 
scendant of John Huss and Jerome of Prague. The re- 
puted heresy and unfortunate death of these men, who had 
been committed to the flames by order of the Council of 
Constance, were calculated to affix, in vulgar apprehension, 
a stain on whoever might be related to them. 

[B. page 21.] 

Ignorance of the Monks. — The works of Ulrich Hutten 
of Franconia, entitled Fpistola obscurorum Virorum^ ridi- 
cules with great felicity the bad Latin, and general igno- 
rance of the opposers of the revival of learning. That 
which Hutten censured in Latin, designedly bad, afforded 
to Buchannan an admirable subject for satire in his 
" Franciscanas " and " Fratres Fraterrimi" The classic 
elegance, the harmony, and the nervous declamation of 

4 



302 



APPENDIX. — Notes, C— D. 



the Franciscanus, has never been surpassed. Juvenal, it is 
plain, was Buchannan's model. — An interesting account 
of Hutten is to be seen in Seckendorff, p. 130. See also 
Hottinger de Necessit. Reform, p. 13, who relates that 
when Erasmus first perused the Epistola obscurorum Vi- 
rorum, he laughed so immoderately as to burst an abscess 
in his face, which his physician had directed to be lanced. 
— A farther account of Hutten is given in Melchior. Adam. 
Vit. German. Jurisconsult, et Politic. Melchior. Adam 
is entitled to the praise of being an indefatigable compiler; 
but there is very little original composition in his book, 
and, in regard to Luther, he has transcribed almost all 
that Melancthon has recorded on the subject of his life. 

[C. page 22.] 

The origin of degrees in the universities of Europe, is 
a subject of curious disquisition. These distinctions were 
unknown to the ancients, and appear to have been invented 
by the clergy, who were the only scholars in the dark ages, 
by way of giving consequence to their order. The most 
probable account is that they were introduced when Lom- 
bard's book of Sentences made its appearance.* Those 
who commented on it were called " Doctors" or " Teach- 
ers," while Lombard himself was named " Master." 

[D. page 26.] 

Luther's father did not cease to express, during several 
years, a disapprobation of his monastic vow. Seckend. p, 
19. Luther afterwards acknowledged that this reproof 
was never forgotten by him, and that it sounded like the 
voice of God. De Vot. Monast. It is a singular coinci- 
dence, that Savonarola, who preceded Luther in his at- 
tempts at reformation, and whose fate was so tragical, also 
declared that he became a monk in compliance with the 
express command of Heaven. His parents were in like 
manner averse from the resolution he had taken. Mirand. 
Vit. Sav. C. 5. Also Savonar. Epp. Spirit, et Ascet 
translated by Quetif, p. 9. 

* Spelman's Glossarium 



APPENDIX.—Notes E.— F. 303 



[E. page 27.] 

" Initio etiam durius a fratribus fuit habitus, dum cus- 
todis, ut vocant, officio fungi, et loca immunda purgare, 
coactus fuit ; uti et cum sacco per civitatem ambulare, he. 
Melch. Ad. Autor est duriter habitum fuisse a monarchis 
vilissimisque servitiis gravatum," he. Seckend. p. 21. 

[F. page 30.] 

Of Luther's knowledge of Latin and Greek in the early 
part of his life, Ludovicus Vives expresses himself thus in 
his celebrated work, " De Causis corruptarum Artium," 
Lib. ii. p. 363. Edit. Basil. 1555. " Quid, num non 
etiam Lutherus et dialecticus, et Sophista, et Theologus 
scholasticus, et quidem magis quam Latinus I nam Greece 
nihil penitus noverat, quum ad scribendum accessit, Latine 
parum admodum ; et quae tuenda susceperat, dialectica 
et argumentatiunculis tutatus est non linguis." 

Erasmus' edition of the New Testament was published 
in February, 1516, and was the labour of five months on- 
ly. The Polyglott of Ximenes had been printed a short 
time before this, but in consequence either of an interdict 
from the Pope, or from not procuring leave to publish it, 
Erasmus had not seen it. Vid. Millie, prolegom. Ad. N. 
T. P. iii. also Wetsten. prolegom. p. 120. The commen- 
tator in the highest repute at that time was Nicolas de 
Lyra. Father Simon gives a character of Lyra in his 
Hist. Crit. des principaux Commentat. du Nouveau Tes- 
tament, Chap. 33, and also in his Hist. Crit. du Vieux 
Test. Liv. iii. Chap. xi. Lyra's commentary, as far as I 
have consulted it, appears to be a work of considerable 
merit ; be flourished about the beginning of the fourteenth 
century. Laurentius Valla distinguished himself in the 
fifteenth century by a work entitled, De Collatione Novi 
Testamenti libri duo. Bellarmine says of him, " Precur- 
sor quidam Lutheranae sectse videtur." Liber i. c. 7. De 
Pcenit. Valla's epitaph may be seen in the Lateran. He 
died in 1465. See his character as a critic in Simon's 
Hist. Crit. du N. T. Chap. 34. His book is chiefly phi- 
lological. Revius published an edition at Amsterdam in 
1630, in 18mo. to which he has subjoined a few annota- 



304 APPENDIX. — Note G.— H. 



tions/ The works of the authors mentioned in this note, 
are frequently referred to by Luther. 

[G. page 32.] 

The monk's explanation of this doctrine of the creed 
was curious. " Non solum in genere credendum esse, 
aliquibus remitti, ut et Dsemones credunt, Davidi aut Pe- 
tro remitti : sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines 
nobis remitti peccati credamus." Melch. Ad. — Luther, it 
seems, derived comfort from this reasoning. It contains 
an obscure enunciation of the doctrine called the act of 
appropriation, an attachment to which was the cause of 
the great body of dissenters in Scotland leaving the esta- 
blishment early in the last century. This goes generally 
by the odd name of the Marrow Controversy, owing to one 
Fisher having published in England about the beginning 
of the seventeenth century, a book which he called the 
Marrow of Modern Divinity, the republication of which 
gave occasion to great disputes. Mr. Hervey defended 
the same doctrine in his sixteenth dialogue between Theron 
and Aspasio, which was vigorously attacked by Robert 
Sandeman, under the fictitious name of Palsemon. Cud- 
worth answered Sandeman. 



[H. page 33.] 

Extemporary preaching appears to have been common 
in and before the days of Luther, so that the usual way of 
giving to the public the subject of a discourse, was from 
notes taken by one of the hearers. Erasm. Ep. Lib. xvii. 
Ep. 24. On the titlepages of many editions of the dis- 
courses of popular preachers, before and about the time of 
Erasmus, there is a print of a congregation assembled, with 
a person haranguing them, and there is always a clerk at 
the foot of the desk with a book and a pen in his hand. — 
Indeed many of those sermons were published by the Nota- 
ries, as they were called. Savonarola's sermons, many of 
Luther's discourses and commentaries, (that on the Gala- 
tians in particular,) were prepared for the press by those 
persons. An interesting, though rudely executed print, 
is to be seen on the titlepage of the edition of the sermons 



APPENDIX. — Note I. 



305 



of the former, published in Italian at Venice in 1540. A 
very well executed print by Picart, of a similar description, 
is prefixed to Gerson's works. Edit. Antw. 1706, published 
by Dupin. 

[I. page 34.] 

Savonarola was of the Dominican order, and was com- 
mitted to the flames at Florence in the year 1498, when he 
bore his fate with triumphant fortitude and serenity. Mosh. 
Vol. iii. p. 257. For a full account of the persecutions of 
Savonarola and of the circumstances by which his destruc- 
tion was accomplished, as well as a refutation of the false 
accusations made against him, consult Seckend. p. 119. 
See also his life by John Picus Mirandola, published at Paris 
in 2 vols. 12mo. with ample notes and additions, in 1874. 
This contains a great deal of curious matter, blended, it 
must be acknowledged, with a large portion of enthusiasm. 
Guicciardin has referred to him in various parts of his work. 
L. i. p. 132, 133. 156. 257. 291, &c. and Vignier de Bar, 
De l'histoire de l'Eglise. p. 622. Leyden, 1601. 

Mr. Roscoe in his Leo X. Vol. i. p. 278, 279, and in his 
Loren. di Med. Vol. ii. p. 269, gives a very unfavourable 
account of Savonarola. This unfortunate man was not, I 
allow, without his faults ; but the reader who is disposed to 
examine the authorities quoted in this note, will be sur- 
prised to find so little evidence in confirmation of Mr. Ros- 
coe's opinion. I have specified the passages in Guicciar- 
din, in which that historian animadverts upon Savonarola, 
that every one maj r judge for himself. The value of Mr. 
Roscoe's works is considerably impaired by the great par- 
tiality he shows to the advocates of the court of Rome. 
Thus, he almost invariably gives the preference to Palla- 
vicini when in direct opposition to Father Paul, though he 
could not fail to know, that the former of these writers was 
rewarded with a cardinal's hat by the court of Rome, for 
defending their cause, and was in short their professed 
apologist. In like manner he has given the preference to 
the Jesuit Maimbourg's history of Lutheranism, though he 
makes his references to SeckendorfFs translation, and con- 
sequently had the antidote before him. 

Savonarola's works are not numerous. His " Triumph 
of the Cross" is a book of considerable merit, and written 
in a manner more methodical and philosophical than one 

2 Q 



306 



APPENDIX.— Note I. 



would have expected in that age. Its general tendency 
seems to be an attempt to prove the reasonableness of Chris- 
tianity in all its doctrines. His sermons in Italian are ac- 
counted very eloquent. His works must have contributed 
much to form Luther's sentiments in regard to religion ; 
and, without detracting from our Reformer, the Domini- 
can's creed differed little from his. 

Kempis. — The real name of Kempis was Thomas Ha- 
merken von Kempen. He was a regular canon of the St. 
Augustine monastery of St. Agnesberg near Swol, under 
the chapter of Windesheim. Brandt's Hist, of Reform, in 
the Low Countries, Vol. i. p. 29.— Scarcely any book ever 
occasioned more bitter contests than the work which now 
goes under the name of Kempis. It has been ascribed not 
only to Kempis, but to St. Bernard, to John Gerson, chan- 
cellor of the university of Paris, and to one John Gessen. 
The canons regular and the Benedictines have each claimed 
it as their own. It is certain that when first published, 
it was attributed to Gerson. But since the edition of 
Budius in 1520, it has generally been published under 
the name of Kempis. Trifling as this dispute may now 
appear, it excited in 1641 such attention in France, that 
cardinal Richlieu sent a deputation from Paris to Rome 
to examine the manuscripts which were said to be found in 
the Vatican. The indefatigable Dupin has examined the 
evidence on the subject in a dissertation of 112 pages, and 
concludes by saying, that he can .decidedly affirm, that 
Bernard and Gessen have no claim, but can assert nothing 
as to the real author. He seems, however, inclined to as- 
cribe it to Gerson. Hist, des Controverses et des Matieres 
Eccles. To. xiv. p. 585. Paris, 8vo. 1698. 

Gerson. — John Charlier was surnamed Gerson, from a 
village in the diocess of Rheims near to Rhetel, in which 
he was born in 1363. He went to Paris at the age of 
fourteen, and was admitted into the society of Artists of 
the college of Navarre. After having studied Latin and 
philosophy, he was admitted in 1382 into the Society of 
Divines, and having studied ten years under Peter de Al- 
liaco and Gilles Dechamps, he took his doctor's degree in 
1392. He afterwards succeeded his master Alliaco as 
Chancellor of the university, and canon of a church at Pa-' 
ris. He died in 1439. Dupin, L. 14. p. 223. 

Taulerus. — " Joh. Tauleri sermones" — " neque in La- 
tina neque in Germanica lingua se vidisse Theologiam sa- 



APPENDIX. — Note K. 307 



lubriorem et cum evangelio consonantiorem." Such were 
Luther's expressions in a letter to Spalatin, in December, 
1516. Taulerus was a German and a Dominican of Co- 
logne, and one of the most celebrated preachers of his time. 
Surius translated his sermons into Latin from the German, 
and printed them at Cologne in 1548, with some small 
pieces, which relate chiefly to practical divinity. Taule- 
rus died in 1361, Acta Sanctorum Januarii. Tom. ii. p* 
652. Dupin Hist. Controv. Eccles. T. xiii. p. 272. Some 
ascribe to him also the Theologia Germanica. See Bayle. 
Art. Taulerus. 

Augustine and Bernard. — In To. iii. of Dupin's work ? 
the history of Augustine and a summary of the contents 
of his works are given at great length. In To. x. there 
is to be found an ample account of the life and writings 
of Bernard. 

[K. page 36.] 

Gabriel. — Gabriel Biel was by birth a Swiss, though 
some affirm that he came from Spires. Eberhard, count 
of Wirtemberg, founded a university at Tubingen in 1477, 
in which Biel was professor of philosophy and divinity. 
After he had taught with reputation for some years, he 
entered into the Order of Coenobite clergy, and died, ac- 
cording to some, in 1495, although others affirm that he 
lived till 1520. His most celebrated work is his commen- 
tary on the Sentences, a book which will be afterwards no- 
ticed. The title of the only edition I have seen is " Re- 
positorium generale et succinctum, veruntamen valde utile 
atque necessarium : contentorum in quatuor collectoriis 
acutissimi et profundissimi Theologi Gabrielis Biel super 
quatuor libros sententiarum." Tubing. 1501. 

Cammeracensis. — The real name of Cammeracensis was 
Peter de Alliaco. He was a Frenchman, born of very poor 
parents in 1350, and educated in the college of Navarre, 
which he entered as a bursar in 1372. He began to teach 
the Sentences in 1375, and had for pupils John Gerson and 
Nic. Climangius. In 1389 he was elected Chancellor of 
the university of Paris and confessor to Charles VI. In 
1394 he was made treasurer of the chapel royal. In 
1409 he was present at the Council of Pisa; was created 
a cardinal in 1411; and died in 1425. He was called 
" Aquila Franciae, et malleus a veritate aberrantium inde- 
fessus." His works are numerous. 



308 APPENDIX. — Notes L.—M. 



[L. page 40.] 

Origen. — The original of the work in which Origen at- 
tempted to establish a concordance between Christianity 
and Platonism is unfortunately lost. It was entitled *sfi 
dgXWy " de principiis." A translation by Ruffinus is still 
preserved, but he has added many opinions of his own, so 
that it is now impossible to ascertain what ought to be as- 
cribed to Origen. 



[M. page 42.] 

Abelard. — The history of this unfortunate man is known 
in this country from Mr. Pope's beautiful poem. The 
story is told at much greater length, and with scarcely 
less interest, by Abelard himself in his first letter, entitled 
" Historia Calamitatum Abelardi ad amicum scripta." 
He died 20th April, 1142, aged 63. Vid. Prasf. Apolog. 
prefixed to Abelard's works. Paris, 1616. The history of 
Abelard is well elucidated by Andrew Quercetanus, in 
notes, which are subjoined to the "edition published at the 
expense of Francis Ambaese, councellor of state. Dup. 
Hist, de Controv. T. 10. p. 360—409. 

Lombard, magister sententiarum. Lombard was born in 
a village of Navarre, in Lombardy, and studied at Bologna. 
From his eminence as a scholar he attracted the attention 
of the French so much, that when the archbishopric of 
Paris became vacant and was offered to Philip, the son of 
Louis le Gros, he declined it, and gave it to Lombard. 
He died in 1164, and was buried in the church of St. Mar- 
cel, where the licentiates of the faculty of Paris were 
obliged, until the late revolution, to say mass in honour of 
his memory. * 

The question respecting the existence of univeral ideas 
was, in former ages, a source of endless controversy in the 
schools. This was more particularly the case during the 
two centuries previous to the time of Luther. The parties 
were generally known by the distinction of " Nominalists " 
and " Realists," and their mutual acrimony gave occasion 
not only to persecution but to bloodshed. I subjoin a 
short notice of one of the principal leaders on each side. 

Thomas Aquinas (founder of the Thomists) was called 



APPENDIX.— Note N. 309 



the " Angelical Doctor." He was descended from the 
royal house of Sicily and Arragon, and born in 1224. 
After being educated at the monastery of Mont Cassin, he 
was sent to Naples where he studied Latin and philosophy. 
He became a preacher in spite of his mother, who, in 1241, 
caused him to be imprisoned and confined in a castle for 
two years. He went to Paris in 1244, and took his doc- 
tor's degree in 1255. He went to Italy in 1263, and after 
having taught the school philosophy in many universities, 
he settled at Naples, and refused an archbishopric which 
Clement IV. offered him. In 1274, he was called by 
Gregory X. to the Council of Lyons, but died on the road 
at the age of 50. 

John Dunscotus (founder of the Scotists) called the 
" Subtile Doctor," who nourished about 1300, opposed 
the doctrines of Thomas. He was followed in this by his 
brethren of the Minorites. It is uncertain whether he was 
of an English or Scotish family. He was educated at 
Merton College, Oxford, and taught divinity there. He 
next went to France, and taught with great reputation in 
the university of Paris. Dupin, T. 12. p. 252. and T. 13. 
p. 195. Sleidan. Lib. i, Camden, Britann. Northumb^r. 

Luther changed his opinion of. the school-logic as soon 
as he began to inquire and think for himself. He used 
after that to call Aristotle Momus, and said of the scholas- 
tic theology ; " Nihil posse tarn argute proponi quod non 
rursus possit retundi, miserum illud pistrinum abunde do- 
cet in quo Scotistse, Thomistae, Albertistae, moderni et sin- 
guli in suas quoque sectas divisi, tempus perdunt." Luth. 
Dedicat. to Frederick, prefixed to his Commentary on ifae 
Psalms. 

[N. page 44.] 

Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion. — " Capnion " in Greek, 
like Reuchlin in German, signifies " smoke." . From the 
days of- Jerome, few Christians understood Hebrew, till 
Reuchlin, by his indefatigable exertions, made the study 
of it popular. He published rudiments, and a Lexicon of 
the Hebrew Tongue. Vid. Vit. Jo. Reuchlin Phorcensis, 
primi in Germania Hebraicarum Grsecarumque et aliarum 
bonarum Literarum Instauratoris, a Jo. ■ Henrico Maio. 
Frankfort, 1687, p. 7. 142. 164. 32. 238. 143. Reuchlin 
was persecuted by the admirers of the scholastic philoso- 



310 



APPENDIX. — Notes O.— P. 



phy for his endeavours to promote the study of Hebrew, 
Melch. Ad. Vit. Capnion. Seckend. p. 19. In 1497, he 
caused a comedy in Latin verse to be acted at Heidelberg, 
at the palace of the bishop of Worms. When at Paris, 
about the year 1470, he had seen the famous farce of 
VAvocat Patelin performed, and the Latin comedy acted 
at Worms was an imitation of this. L'Enfant. Hist. C. 
Const. L. v. The Reformers did not disapprove of thea- 
trical representations, nor of music and dancing, provided 
they were kept within proper bounds. Vid. De Regno 
Christi. L. ii. Cap. 54. Bucer. Script. Anglican, p. 141, 
&c. " De Honestis Ludis." Edit. Basil. 1577.— Ocolam- 
padius wrote six tragedies. Melch. Ad. Vit. Ocolampad. 

[O. page 47.] 

It may gratify the reader to see in the original, this no- 
table extract from Luther's composition: 

" Lector sciat, me fuisse aliquando monachum et papis- 
tarn insanissimum, cum istam causam aggressus sum ; ita 
ebrium, imo submersum, in dogmatibus Papae, ut paratissi- 
mus fuerim omnes, si potuissem, occidere, aut occidenti- 
bus cooperari et consentire, qui Papee vel una syllaba 
obedientiam detrectarent. Non eram ita glacies et frigus 
ipsum in defendendo papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui simi- 
les, qui mihi verius propter suum ventrem Papam adhuc 
defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent. Imo 
ridere mihi Papam adhuc hodie videntur velut Epicuraei. 
Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter 
timui, et tamen salvus fieri ex intimis medullis cupiebam." 

[P. page 56.] 

Lorenzo Pucci was a native of Florence, Apostolic Pro- 
thonotary (an officer whose duty consisted originally in 
recording the acts of martyrs,) and Datary to Julius II. 
and Leo X. In this latter capacity he had the charge of 
expediting the petitions presented to the pope. Both of 
these were offices of great trust. He was also, when a 
presbyter, created " Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor Corona- 
torum," by Leo in the first year of his pontificate. He 
was in great favour with Julius, and was consulted on all 



APPENDIX. — Notes Q.— R. 



311 



important occasions by Leo. He died at Rome in 1531. 
Vit. et Res. Gest. Pontificum Roman. &c. Alphons. Cia- 
con. Tom. ii. p. 1406. Rom. 1630. Guicciard. L. 13. 
Sarpi. L. i. Erasmus dedicated his famous edition of Cy- 
prian to this cardinal, in 1519, and says of him " Cui 
meritissirno inter tot ordinis Cardinalitii lumina prim as tri- 
buit Leo Pontifex," &c. The judicious and candid presi- 
dent De Thou, however, seems to have known his real 
character. Leo, quum alioqui ad omnem licentiam sponte 
sua ferretur, Laurentii Puccii Card, hominis turbidi, cui 
nimium tribuebat, impulsu ut pecuniam ad immensos sump- 
tus nndique corrogaret. Shuan. L. i. 

[Q. page 57.] 

Guicciard. L. xiii. Sarp. L. i. It must be confessed 
that the account of these two authors is different from Lu- 
ther's. According to Luther the archbishop of Mentz had 
one half of the produce, and the pope the other. " Dimi- 
dium pecuniae ex Indulgentiis habebat (Archiepiscop. 
Mogunt.) alteram dimidium Papa." Luth. Praef. Luther 
possibly might, by a common figure of speech, call that 
the Pope's share, which was appropriated to his sister, 
Magdalen. This, however, is very unlikely. Had the 
Reformer been acquainted with this fact, there can be lit- 
tle doubt that he would have mentioned it. Sarpi trusted 
to Guicciardini. From the reasons assigned by Dr. Ro- 
bertson, Hist. Char. V. vol. ii. p. 125, 126, it appears that 
the historian of the wars of Italy had asserted this gift of 
Leo to his sister as a fact, without sufficient evidence. His 
known general accuracy, however, as well as its being re- 
peated by all historians since his time, has induced me to 
relate in the text the account which he has given. 



[R. page 58.] 

Abuses in the Catholic Church. — Louis XII. of France 
used to call the church of Rome Babylon, and applied to 
it the description, given by John, of the mother of harlots. 
Long before his time, in the year 1409, the Council of 
Pisa was called for the purpose of " reforming the church 
in its head and in its members." A century after, on the 



312 



APPENDIX. — Notes S.— T. 



death of Alexander VI. the cardinals bound themselves by 
an oath that a General Council should be assembled with- 
in two years for the reformation of the church. This en- 
gagement was ratified by an oath on the part of Julius IL 
after his accession to the papacy — no council, however, 
was called. For an account of the corruptions existing in 
the church, see a very curious work entitled " Fasciculus 
rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum, pro ut ab Orthuino 
Gratio Presbytero Daventriensi, editus est Colonise, 1535. 
In Concilli tunc indicendi usum et admonitionem ; una 
cum Appendice sive Tomo II. Scriptorum veterum qui 
Ecclesiae Romanae errores et abusus detegunt et damnant, 
necessitatemque reformationis urgent, &c. opera et studio 
Edwardi Brown, Parochi Sundrigiae in agro Cantiano." 
Fol. Londin, 1690. A collection of a similar kind had 
been made by Dr. Edward Buckley, and published at 
London in 1606. 12mo. — In proof of the very general de- 
sire for the reformation of the church, which prevailed in 
the beginning of the fifteenth century, see L'Enfant's Hist, 
of the Council of Constans, passim ; particularly the last 
book. — See the Lives of pope Alexander VI. and of his 
son, Caesar Borgia, by Alexander Gordon. London, 1729. 

[S. page 64.] 

Suffrage. — See the book of Common Prayer for the mo- 
dern meaning of this word. Luther thus expresses himself 
in regard to the meaning of suffragium. " Quid nos ob- 
tundit vocabulo " suffragii," quod nemo intelligit " potes- 
tatem," sed omnes " intercessionem." Resol. de Indulg. i. 
122. — " Suffragia, orationes, quibus Dei sanctorum suffra- 
gia seu auxilia imploramus." Again, " Suffragia appellan- 
tur etiam orationes quae pro defunctis dicuntur, quod pro 
eis sanctorum suffragia invocentur. Liber Ordinis S. Vic- 
toris Parisensis. M. S. Cap. 55. Ap du Cange Glossar." 

[T. page 75.] 

Staupitz. — John Staupitz was a man of quality, related 
to the house of Saxony, and in great credit with the elec- 
tor. Dupin's Eccles. Hist. Cent. xvi. Fabricius calls him 
" Hominem nobilem et sui ordinis in Saxonia primarium," 



APPENDIX.— Notes U.— V. 



313 



&c. Orig. Sax. Lib. vii. p. 859; also Melch. Ad. Vit. 
Staup. Mr. Roscoe in his Leo X. says, that Staupitz was 
vicar-general of the Augustinians. This is a mistake. 
He who held that office was Gabriel, a Venetian, to whom 
Leo applied in 1518, to interpose his authority and pre- 
vent Luther from spreading his opinions. Luth. T. i. 226.. 
Gabriel had the Pr&fectura over the whole body of the 
Augustinians. Sleid. L. i. 

[U. page 88.] 

The Dominicans. — This Order were, it seems, the chief 
reporters of Luther's proceedings at Rome. Prierio's in- 
formation is alluded to in many parts of the correspondence 
on the subject throughout Luther's works. The circum- 
stance of the alarm coming chiefly through one quarter, 
appears to have lessened the weight that would otherwise 
have been attached to it. — The following anecdote is re- 
lated of Leo. One evening in a company at the house of 
one Scipio Attellanus at Rome, certain persons having 
ventured to insinuate to Leo, that it would have been well 
that he had shown earlier attention to the warning of the 
Dominicans ; the pontiff is said to have replied, in a mo- 
ment of convivial openness, (Seckend. p. 40.) " That 
brother Martin was a man of very fine genius, and that 
these reports proceeded from monkish envy." 

[V. page 80.] 

Spalatin is the person most frequently mentioned among 
Luther's friends at the electoral court. He was born at 
Spalatin in 1482, and took his name from that town. He 
studied at Nuremberg, Erfurt, and Wittemberg. He en- 
tered himself a student of law at Erfurt, but changed his 
plan, and took orders in 1507. He assisted the studies of 
Otto and Ernest, Dukes of Luneburg, when they were at 
the university of Wittemberg. The elector Frederick of 
Saxony made him his chaplain and secretary. Spalatin 
was held in great estimation by him and his successors ; 
so much so, that he was present at almost all the diets 
which were called in his time. He translated several of 
Erasmus' treatises, and wrote a history of Saxony, which 

2R 



314 APPENDIX. — Not^s W.— X. 



he named Chronicon. He died at Altenburg in 1545, and 
is buried there in the church of St. Bartholomew. Seckend. 
p. 21, 22. Melch. Ad. 

[W. page 130.] 

Leipsic disputation. — The conduct of the scribes or 
clerks deserves to be mentioned. John Agricola, a native 
of Eisleben, was employed by Luther, but without becom- 
ing a convert to his doctrine, for he was found some years 
after among the opponents of the Reformation. On the 
other hand, John Poliander, amanuensis to Eckius, joined 
Luther at the end of the disputation, and became a preacher 
of the Reformed doctrine in Prussia. 

A voluminous account of this disputation is inserted in 
Luther's works, Vol i. It contains what was published 
by the scribes, who took down the debate as it was spoken; 
also what was printed by Luther, Eckius, Melancthon, and 
Emser. See also Seckend. from p. 72 to p. 93. Sleid. L. i. 
That part of the dispute which related to free will, &c. is 
stated perspicuously and in few words, by Hottinger. in 
Hist, de Praedestinat. L. iv. Sect. 7. et seq. 

[X. page 140.] 

Maimbourg. — This ex-jesuit disapproves of Miltitz's mo- 
deration, and calls it an obsequiousness unworthy of the 
master whom he served. In this he is joined by other Ca- 
tholic writers, who do not seem to take into account what 
opposite dispositions Miltitz had to reconcile, nor how de- 
pendent his own situation was. Miltitz had enjoyed for 
some years at Rome a pension of 100 florins (about £10 
sterling) from the elector Frederick and his brother. 
Seckend. p. 98. He had found it necessary to remind 
Frederick of this, and to express a hope that the allowance 
might be continued for life. To complain of poverty was 
not in those days accounted disreputable. We find both 
Eckius and Luther frequently mentioning their poverty ; 
and, on one occasion, Miltitz is not ashamed to recommend 
to Frederick to send 40 or 50 florins to Cajetan. Seckend. 
p. 99. 

To return to Maimbourg. — This author transcribes a 



APPENDIX.— Notes Y .— Z.— AA. 31 5 



great deal from Pallavicini, and habitually misrepresents 
the motives and conduct of Luther, while he palliates every 
thing in the behaviour of the pope's agent, 

[Y. page 145.] 

Letter to the Pope. — There is considerable difficulty in 
determining at what time of the year 1520 this letter and 
the accompanying treatise on Christian liberty were pub- 
lished. Pallavicini and Sleidan are disposed to fix the date 
on the 6th April, while SeckendorfF has adduced a variety 
of reasons for supposing that it was much later in the year, 
perhaps in September. The latter opinion is strengthened 
by an expression in one of the letters of Miltitz. 

[Z. page 161.] 

Burning books. — The custom of burning obnoxious books 
is of very ancient date. The Athenians burned publicly a 
work of the philosopher Protagoras, in which he had 
spoken ambiguously of the existence of the gods, and ba- 
nished him moreover from their city and territory. Cic. de 
Nat. Deor. L. i. c. 23. This fact is in direct opposition 
to the assertions and reasoning of Mr. Gibbon in his his- 
tory, first part of c. ii. With his usual desire to throw 
odium on Christianity, this author exerts all his ability to 
establish the existence of complete toleration among the 
Greeks and Romans; — as if he were justified in charging 
on the gospel that which has been done only by its cor- 
ruptors. 

Burning seems to have been adopted as a mode of pun- 
ishment in the case of heretics and heretical books, from 
its being emblematical of hell fire. In these ages of dis- 
graceful persecution, the first object was to burn the here- 
tic, and, when that could not be accomplished, vengeance 
was wreaked on his books. 



[A A. page 194.] 

Leo X. was pope during nearly nine years. His name 
was John of Medicis, and his character has been variously 



316 



APPENDIX.— Mot e BB. 



drawn. Cautiously as we must receive reports in an age 
of so much controversy, there seems abundant reason to 
make deductions from the nattering account lately given 
of him in a popular history in this country. Seckendorff 
(p. 190, 191) has abridged the account given of Leo by 
Vacillasius in his " Historia Florentina," in which it is as- 
serted that his character was very profligate. The sudden 
occurrence of his death at the age of forty-seven has been 
attributed by some to poison, and by others to the effect of 
a severe ulcer contracted through intemperance. The ex- 
istence of this complaint was known, say these persons, to 
the cardinals at the time of his election, and, as it promised 
to cut short his days, was considered an argument for 
giving their votes in favour of a person considerably under 
the usual age. Those great masters in history, Guicciar- 
dini and father Paul, have each given a character of Leo. 
The former observes, that such is the corruption of our 
manners, that if a " pope be not worse than ordinary men, 
lie is certain to be regarded as an excellent pontiff." Guic- 
ciard. L. xiv. xvi. Sarpi is much more favourable to Leo, 
but subjoins that he would have been a perfect pontiff, if 
he had possessed some knowledge of religion, or any inclina- 
tion to piety. Hist. C. T. L. i. with Courrayer's note. 

That Leo chiefly delighted in the frivolous mirth of sy- 
cophants, buffoons, and jesters, is affirmed by Matthieu 
Hist, de Hen. IV. Lib. vii. T. ii. p. 716. And the little 
esteem he had for divines, and his preference of poetry, 
mythology, and other profane sciences, to those of his pro- 
fession, appears even from PallavicMs History of the 
Council of Trent. (Keysler's Travels, Vol. iii. p. 94.) 

[BB. page 221.] 

Bohemians. — Luther had two years before differed seri- 
ously in opinion from the " Picards." On account of 
their denying the real presence at the sacrament, he had 
not scrupled to call them heretics, a remarkable proof of 
the sincerity of his belief in the Romish creed at the time 
when he began his opposition. With the principles of 
another sect of Bohemians, called " Grubenheimer," Lu- 
ther appears to have been imperfectly acquainted. They 
were a poor, persecuted race, compelled by the Romish 
priests to perform their rites in dens and caverns, as is im- 



APPENDIX. — Notes CC.— DD. 317 



plied by their characteristic appellation. They are called 
" Fossarii," or ditchers, by Spanheim, Seckend. p. 95. 

See a very interesting account of the unfortunate Huss 
in M. L'Enfant. Hist. Concil. Constan. L. iii. 



[CC. page 228.] 

Luther ] s Parents. — There have been considerable diffe- 
rences of opinion in regard to the pecuniary circumstances 
of Luther's parents. It is said (Seckendorff, p. 18, 19.) 
that when at school, he, like other poor boys, obtained a 
part of his support by begging. One writer, John Micrse- 
lius, mentions in his " Church History," but without quot- 
ing any authority, that he obtained a livelihood by singing 
for charity. On the other hand, we are told (Seckendorff, 
20.) that Luther was boarded in the house of Conradus 
Cotta, a man of some rank, and apparently a relation of 
his mother. Nay, we have the authority of Luther himself, 
that his parents expected, before he took the monastic vow, 
to marry him to a female in affluent circumstances. " Des- 
tinabas me vincire honesto et opulento conjugio" is his ex- 
pression, in the dedication to his father of his book on 
Monastic Vows. It is probable, that the circumstances of 
his parents, at first humble, became improved in the course 
of years by his father's industry. Still it appears from the 
text, that Luther, when arrived at middle age, found it 
necessary to extend assistance to some of his relations at 
Mansfeld. 

[DD. page 228.] 

Cochlteus. — Pallavicini, Bossuet, and other writers un- 
favourable to Luther, made no dependence on the decla- 
rations of Cochlgeus. Sleidan has described his character 
in the dedication to his great work. See a note by Dr. 
Maclaine, Mosheim, Vol. iii. p. 336. The treatise pub- 
lished by Luther against Cochlaeus was entitled " Adversus 
armatum virum Cochlaeum." Agreeably to the custom of 
the times, Luther has no scruple in punning on his name, 
calling him at one time "Cochlear" (a spoon) ; at another, 
" testudo" (a shell), in allusion to " cochlea" a cockle. 
This practice of punning on names, was used frequently 
by Luther, and not despised by Erasmus or his numerous 



318 APPENDIX.— Notes EE.— FF. 



correspondents. One of the latest examples of the kind 
was given by Milton in his controversy with Salmasius. 

Luther's Essay against Cochlseus began with a parody 
on the first lines of the iEneid as follows : 

Arma virumque cano, Mojani qui nuper ab oris, 
Leucoream fato stolidus, Saxonaque venit 
Littora, multum ille et furiis vexatus et cestro 
Vi scelerum memorem Rasorum cladis ob iram 
Multa quoque et Satana passus, quo perderet verbum 
Inferretque malum studiis, genus unde malorum 
Errorumque Patres, atque alti gloria Papa. 

Luth. T. ii. 407. 



[EE. page 239.] 

Polentz was converted to the Reformed doctrine by John 
Brisman, a Franciscan, originally of Koningsberg, but 
compelled, on account of his tenets, to leave that city. He 
repaired to Prussia, where he spread the doctrines of Lu- 
ther with great success. He was a poet too, and some of 
his performances have preserved their reputation to the pre- 
sent day, being still sung in protestant churches on the 
Continent. Seckend. p. 271. Polentz was the first bishop 
who ordered the baptismal service to be read in the ver- 
nacular tongue. For a character of him by Luther, see 
Seckend. p. 298. 

[FF. page 298.] 

Luther's fondness for music, — Tradition has ascribed to 
Luther what is commonly called the hundredth psalm tune. 
It sometimes happened that, under an access of low spirits, 
he would shut himself up for a day or two together, unwil- 
ling to admit any one to converse with him. On an occa- 
sion of this kind, Lucas Edemberger, tutor to John Er- 
nest, brother of the young elector, John Frederick, hap- 
pened, along with some other friends, to call on him. 
Having knocked fruitlessly at the door, they ventured to 
break it open, and found Luther in a kind of faint, from 
which music was more effectual than any thing else in re- 
covering him. 

His progress in music is explained by the following quo- 



APPENDIX. — Note GG. 319 



tation which will be most intelligible to those who are 
something more than amateurs. Ex eodem Razenbergii 
M. S. percipitur, vocalis, quae vocatur, musica, non leviter 
gnarum fuisse Lutherum, ita ut in lineas, sive notas canen- 
da componere aut composita corrigere posset. Delecta- 
batur Gregoriano, quae dicitur cantu, et hymnis ac respon- 
soriis in Jigurati, quern vocant toni legis redactis. Seckend. 
p. 21. 

One of Luther's domestic concerts, where he himself 
presides, is the subject of an excellent picture by Titian, 
now in the collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of 
Kinnoul, at Dupplin-castle, Scotland. 

Luther was accustomed to amuse himself, likewise, by 
the exercise of turning, for his health. In a letter to Linc- 
cius, written so late as 1525, he desires that he would send 
him some better tools from Nuremberg, and adds humour- 
ously, that if other sources failed, he was willing to earn 
a subsistence by the labour of his hands. SeckendorfF, 
p. 21. 

[GG. page 300.] 

" In the consistorial chamber at Eisleben, is shown a 
print of Luther, said to have been wonderfully preserved 
from fire. The house in which he was born was not 
equally fortunate, having been consumed by the flames. 
But that the memory of the spot might not be lost, a school 
has been built on it. A stone bust of Luther was placed on 
the outside over the door. In the stove room there is also 
a statue of Luther, with a crucifix in his hand, and an in- 
scription in German. " Anno 1483, ist M. Luther in 
diesem Hause gebohren und zu S. Peter getaufft." "In 
this house Dr. Martin Luther was born, in the year 1483, 
and was baptized in St. Peter's church." And lower down 
this Latin distich : 

" Hostis erain Papae sociorum pestis et hujus : 
" Vox mea cum scriptis nil nisi Christus erat." 

Among other relics of Luther, the people of Eisleben 
are in the habit of showing a wooden bedstead, on which 
he lay. This is said, of course, to be of extraordinary 
virtue. The Swedes are very fond of being thought genu- 
ine sons of Luther, and when they were in possession of 
this part of Germany, were persuaded to purchase and 



320 



APPENDIX. — Note GG. 



carry away a great deal more wood than could have been 
cut from this bedstead, and a table said to have belonged 
to Luther. 

At the university library at Jena, there is, among the 
printed books, the copy of Luther's translation of the Bible 
which he was in the habit of using. It bears the marks of 
corrections with his own hand, in various places. There 
is here also a volume of the impressions from the wood 
cuts made by the painter Cranachius. These impressions 
were circulated, along with inscriptions composed by Lu- 
ther, and describing the pope as Antichrist. Keyslerh 
Travels, 4to. Vol. iv. p. 145, &tc. 

I shall conclude my labours on the life of Luther with 
an extract from his will, a document as strongly indicative 
of his extraordinary cast of mind as any that is mentioned 
in the preceding pages. His elevation of style is the more 
remarkable when contrasted with the insignificance of the 
property of which he had to dispose. 

" Notus sum in ccelo, in terra, et in inferno, et auctori- 
tatem ad hoc sufficientem habeo, ut mihi soli credatur, cum 
Deus mihi, homini licet damnabili, et miserabili peccaiori 
ex paterna misericordia Evangelium Filii sui crediderit, 
dederitque ut in eo verax et fidelis fuerim, ita ut multi in 
mundo illud per me acceperint, et me pro Doctore veritatk 
agnoverint, spreto banno Papa?, Csesaris, Regum, Princi- 
pum et Sacerdotum, imo omnium daemonum odio. Quid- 
nij igitur, ad dispositionem hanc, hire exigua, sufhciat, si 
adsit manus mese testimonium, et dici possit, " hsec scrip- 
sit D. Martinus Luther, Notarius Dei, et testis Evangelii 
ejus." Seckend. L. iii. p. 651. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES 

OF 

OCOLAMPADIUS, ZWINGLIUS, AND BUCER. 



OCOLAMPADIUS, 

Whose name in German was John Hauksheim, was born 
in 1482. His parents were persons of affluence, as he has 
himself observed in the preface to his Commentary on the 
Prophet Isaiah. He was sent to school at a very early age, 
and his rapid progress enabled his mother to prevail on 
her husband to relinquish the plan of placing him in the 
mercantile line, for a literary profession. Heilbronn, and 
afterwards Heidelberg, were the places of his education. 
He was able, it was said, to write Latin at the age of 
twelve; at fourteen he was made Bachelor, and, some 
years after, Master of Arts. He passed some time at Bo- 
logna, in the study of civil law, under a celebrated profes- 
sor, but found it necessary, in consequence of bad health, 
to return to his native quarter, where he devoted himself 
entirely to the study of divinity. It deserves to be noticed, 
that many eminent divines, such as Chrysostom, Luther, 
Calvin, Peter Martyr, Beza, Danseus, he. happened to 
pass some time in the study of the law before directing their 
attention to theology. Ocolampadius, according to the 
custom of the age, devoted himself to the works of the 
scholastic doctors, and it is said, that while he was parti- 
cularly attached to Gerson and Thomas Aquinas, he was 
comparatively indifferent to the works of Dunscotus. The 
Greek language he acquired while residing in the city of 
Stuttgard ; and he was afterwards taught Hebrew by a 
scholar of Spanish extraction. From Stuttgard he went 
to Basil, where his imagination being warmed by his He- 
brew studies, he composed no fewer than six tragedies on 
Scripture subjects. Under the impression that the quiet 

2 S 



322 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



life of a monastery would be of advantage to a constitu- 
tion naturally not strong, he entered into an establishment 
of that description, with a reservation, however, that he 
should not be accounted under an obligation to remain, if 
his health became sufficiently good to enable him to dis- 
charge the active duties of a preacher. He continued in 
the monastery two years ; a period sufficiently long to give 
him a lasting impression of the folly and profligacy of the 
monks. 

At the age of thirty-four, Ocolampadius received the 
degree of D. D. and assisted Erasmus in composing anno- 
tations on the New Testament, an assistance of which that 
distinguished scholar does not fail to make an acknowledg- 
ment. He received protection from Francis von Seckin- 
gen, the Franconian nobleman, who so generously offered 
a place of refuge to Luther. Like many other scholars of 
the age, Ocolampadius employed Andrew Cratander, a ce- 
lebrated printer at Basil, and published with him a trans- 
lation of Chrysostom's commentary on the book of Genesis. 
He was appointed, without solicitation, divinity professor 
at Basil, and afterwards one of the clergymen of that city. 
No man could be more assiduous in the discharge of his 
pastoral duty. While only a deacon, he had ventured so 
far to depart from Romish customs as to perform baptism 
in the language of the country, and to administer the sa- 
crament in both kinds. The latter was accounted an inno- 
vation of such importance as to require the sanction of the 
senate. He introduced also in divine worship prayers in 
the language of the country, a departure in those days of 
no small importance from the habits of the Catholics. He 
was engaged likewise in several important controversies. 
In addition to the disputation with Luther at Marpurg, he 
held a public contest with Eckius at Baden, in 1527 ; and, 
in the following year, he bore a part in a public disputa- 
tion at Bern, which lasted three weeks. All these debates 
regarded chiefly the endless controversy of the Eucharist. 
He was decided in administering the sacrament to the 
laity in both kinds ; but was, notwithstanding, exceedingly 
desirous of restoring concord and unanimity among the 
reformers. None of the divines of the age surpassed him 
in habits of application, His death took place in 1531. 



ULRIC ZWINGLIUS. 



323 



ULRIC ZWINGLIUS 

Was born in Switzerland, in 1487, and gave very early 
indications of an ardent and enterprising disposition. His 
education was begun at Basil and prosecuted at Bern, 
where he succeeded in acquiring that comprehensive know- 
ledge of the learned languages which laid the foundation of 
his future fame. Divinity becoming the object of his stu- 
dy, he laboured indefatigably at the Greek Testament. His 
reforming career was begun, as we shall presently see, very 
early ; and to an ardour for amending the church, he added 
a correspondent zeal for correcting political abuses. We 
have seen, in the text, his premature fall in the field of bat- 
tle at the head of his countrymen, and it has been men- 
tioned likewise that his views on the subject of the sacra- 
ment were more enlarged and more analogous to Scripture 
than those of Luther. They have been adopted not only 
by the British churches, but by many on the Continent. 
In regard to other leading doctrines, there was no mate- 
rial difference between him and Luther, but it is due to 
Zwinglius to mention, that no part of his tenets were bor- 
rowed from his distinguished cotemporary. In the course 
of their studies, as well as in their constitutional courage 
and perseverance, there existed a remarkable coincidence. 

" I began," says Zwinglius, in the exposition of his 
eighteenth article, " to preach the Gospel in 1516, at a 
time when I had not so much as heard of the name of 
Luther. I preached when mass was in almost universal 
use, and I urged that the part of the Gospel which was 
read to the people, should be clearly explained to them — 
explained not by the commentaries of men, but by com- 
paring Scripture with Scripture. However, at that time 
I continued devoted to the tenets of the ancient doctors, 
my learning having gone only so far as to enable me to 
detect partial inconsistencies in them.- — In 1519, when I 
began to preach at Zurich, I undertook to expound the 
Gospel of Matthew, by illustrations derived solely from 
Scripture. In the early part of that year we had, in our 
country, heard nothing of Luther, except his publication 
on Indulgences, a subject on which I needed no new light, 
having been instructed several years before, that the whole 
system was a tissue of deception. 

" Luther, as far as I can judge, is a servant of Christ. 



324 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



who searches the Scriptures with greater diligence than any 
other person has done for these thousand years. When in 
such company as his, I am not averse to be called a heretic. 
Luther would readily declare, that the whole of our reform- 
ing labours proceeded from God. I am aware that Luther 
has been induced to concede many points to persons, of 
whose reasoning powers he has no high opinion; such, for 
example, as the practice of auricular confession. Though 
in many respects my religious creed is in conformity with 
his, I am not desirous to be called a Lutheran, because I 
learned the doctrine of Christ, not from him but from Scrip- 
ture. I hold Luther in the highest estimation, but I now 
declare that I have never written to him, nor received a let- 
ter from him. At the same time, I do not compare myself 
with Luther, for every one has what God has given him." 



MARTIN BUCER 



Was junior to Luther and Ocolampadius, being born at 
Selestad, in i 491. He became, at an early age, a mem- 
ber of the society of Dominicans ; but having acquired a 
thirst for literature from the writings of Erasmus, he ob- 
tained the permission of his superiors to repair to Heidel- 
berg, where he obtained a knowledge of Greek and He- 
brew. His faith in the Catholic creed began to be shaken 
by a perusal of Luther's first publications, and he had the 
good fortune to be present at the friendly disputation held 
at Heidelberg, between Luther and his Augustinian bre- 
thren. It was on this occasion that young Bucer became 
a convert to Luther's sentiments on the subject of " justi- 
fication." In 1521 he was present at Worms along with 
Luther, and, in short, took an active part in all the con- 
ferences of the Reformers. In the grand point of contro- 
versy, the Eucharist, Bucer steered a middle course be- 
tween the tenets of Luther and of Zwinglius; and he ap- 
pears to have evinced, all along, a sincere desire to recon- 
cile both parties, and to establish harmony among the Re- 
formers at large. Towards the close of life he changed 
his place of abode, having come over to England in 1549, 
on the invitation of Archbishop Cranmer. Here, during 
the short remainder of his life, he taught at Cambridge 
with a reputation worthy of his former years. He died, in 



HENRY VIII.'s BOOK. 



325 



that city in 1551 ; and in the gloomy period which fol- 
lowed under Mary, his dead body was dug up and pub- 
licly burned. 

OBSERVATIONS ON HENRY VIII.'s BOOK 
AGAINST LUTHER. 

The title of Henry's far famed publication was " As- 
sertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum Luthe- 
rum, edita ab invictissimo Anglise et Francise Rege, et 
Domino Hibernise, Henrico ejus nominis Octavo." Henry, 
being a younger brother, had been designed by his father 
to succeed to the archbishopric of Canterbury, and had 
received, during his early years, an education adapted to 
an ecclesiastical station. His progress is said, by his co- 
temporaries, to have been rapid; nor is this improbable, 
when we make due allowance for his inherent ardour of 
character. Luther's treatise on the " Babylonish Cap- 
tivity" was the ostensible cause of the royal rejoinder, but 
the wish to obtain from the court of Rome a divorce from 
his queen, the sister of the emperor Charles V. was pro- 
bably the most direct motive for the publication. The 
professed object of the book was to refute Luther's opi- 
nion on the seven sacraments ; but the impetuous disposi- 
tion of Henry led him largely into extraneous matter. He 
begins with a defence of the doctrine of Indulgences, in 
which, however, there is a much larger share of assertion 
than of argument. He bestows commendations with a la- 
vish hand on Leo X. " Cujus innocens et inculpata vita, 
moresque sanctissimi ab ineunte setate per orbem totum 
satis explorati sunt, quemadmodum in epistola quadam 
ad Pontificem Lutherus etiam ipse fatetur, verum etiam 
tot retro saeculis omnes Romani Pontifices, qui (quod 
Lutherus ipse commemorat) indulgere soiebant, alius re- 
mission em annuam, alius triennem, quidam aliquot con- 
donare quadragesimas, nonnulli certam totius peenitentise 
partem, tertiam puto, vel dimidium : aliqui demum remis- 
sion em indulserunt, et poena? et culpa? plenarium. Om- 
nes ergo (si vera dicit Lutherus) fuerunt impostores." 

These compliments are followed by others couched in a 
still higher strain, and forming an amusing contrast to 



326 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



Henry's subsequent hostility to the church. In propor- 
tion as he bestows praises on Leo, he pours the most vio- 
lent and scurrilous abuse on the Reformer. " Heretics, 
whose malignity is inveterate, and who treat pious reproof 
with contempt, should be restrained by the infliction of 
merited punishment. He who is not disposed to do well, 
should be made to cease from doing ill; he who has ma- 
liciously injured others, should be made to profit them by 
his example. If Luther will not retract, it will certainly 
soon come to pass, if Christian princes do their duty, that 
the fire will consume both his writings and himself." Lu- 
ther, in allusion to the monopolizing spirit of the church 
of Rome, bad called the papacy " Robusta venatio Epis- 
copi Romani." This expression Henry repeats, and views, 
or affects to view it with great horror. After quoting the 
authority of father Jerome, Henry enumerates three dis- 
tinct relations under which Luther was pledged to adhere 
to the church, viz. as a Christian, a priest, and a brother. 
Modesty, he adds, should be the characteristic of ecclesi- 
astics, but Luther has so departed from it, that he ought 
to be avoided as a serpent. The point, in which Henry is 
most successful, is the charge of inconsistency in Luther's 
different publications ; a charge for which the Reformer's 
progressive change of opinion afforded a considerable 
handle to his adversaries. But Henry, when he ven- 
tures to argue in defence of traditionary miracles in the 
history of the church, finds himself on very different 
ground. The Romanists had contrived to render the me- 
mory of Huss so odious, that Henry considered the battle 
won if he could assimilate the doctrine of Luther to that 
of his unfortunate precursor. — In the dedication Henry 
expresses a boundless veneration for all the tenets main- 
tained by the head of the church ; and in a strain of great 
humility expresses a hope that his Holiness will co-operate 
with him against Luther, as well as that his book may lead 
to a detection of the origin of this accursed heresy. Amidst 
all this grave reasoning, he ventures to introduce some lu- 
dicrous allusions, and makes himself very merry with ridi- 
culing Luther's conspicilia. He discovers a knowledge of 
Luther's private history, which could have been obtained 
only by communications from Germany — I allude more 
particularly to the intention entertained by Luther of tak- 
ing refuge among the Bohemians. 

The contumelious manner in which Luther had spoken 



CAJETAN'S LETTER. 



327 



of the conduct of the clergy afforded Henry either a mo- 
tive or a pretext for pouring out a vehement invective 
against him. He has no scruple in accusing the Reformer 
of falsehood, of abuse of Scripture, of talung Mahomet 
for his model, and even of being guilty of blasphemy. 
Viewed on the score of temper, the book affords a fair in- 
dication of the future violence of the royal author ; but 
considered in another light, I mean its claim to reputation 
as a theological disquisition, our opinion of the work will 
be less unfavourable. There is indeed little or no novelty 
in the reasoning, the substance of it being found in other 
defences of popery, and consisting chiefly of successive 
references to the authority of the church. Neither is much 
erudition discovered in the occasional allusions to the 
works of Jerome or Augustine ; but as a combination of 
the current arguments in defence of popery, the book is 
entitled to considerable approbation. The praise given to 
it must be relative, of course, to the rude state of theology 
at the time ; and however inferior the work may now be 
accounted, the author, whether Henry himself, or, as Lu- 
ther suspected, Wolsey, was entitled to hold a distinguished 
place among the adversaries of the Reformer. 



CAJETAN'S LETTER TO FREDERICK, 

on luther's appearance before him at augsburg. 

Epistola Thomse Caietani, Titulis Sixti Presbyteri Cardi- 
nalis, ad D. Fredericum, Saxonise Ducem, sacri Imperii 
Electorem, he, De Lutheri causa, post discessum ejus- 
dem Lutheri ex Augusta, Anno M.D.XVII. 

Illustrissime et Excellentissime Princeps, venit frater 
Martinus Lutherus cum Uteris Excellentise vestrse, et ante- 
quam nos adiret, voluit se munire salvo conductu, quem 
ab illis Dominis, Csesarese Majestatis Consiliariis, vestras 
illustrissimse Dominationis intuitu et favore impetravit. 
Non tamen sine scitu meo, noluerunt enim hi Domini 
quidquam illi concedere, nisi me permittente. Quibus 



/ 



32S APPENDIX PAPERS. 



respondi, facerent quidquid eis placeret, dummodo nomen 
meum non misceretur. Et hie coepi mirari, nam si Ex- 
cellentia vestra in me confidebat, non erat opus salvo 
conductu; si non confidebat, non erat mittendus ad me ut 
Patrem. 

Adiit deinde nos frater Martinus, primum excusans^e 
super impetratione salvi conductus propter inimicitias, he. 
Deinde dicens, se venisse, ut nos audiret, et veritatem a 
nobis agnitam profiteretur. Nos hominem libentissime ac 
humanissime excepimus, paterneque complexi sumus. Dixi 
ante omnia, quod secundum solidam Scripturam sacram et 
sacros Canones interrogandus esset, et quod si se cognos- 
ceret, et de caatero caveret, possemusque secure dormire, 
ne reverteretur ad vomitum, omnia componerem, sanctis- 
simi Domini nostri Papae Leonis X. auctoritate. 

Ostendi deinde, monuique paterne, disputationes et ser- 
mones ejus, esse contra Apostolicam doctrinam, maxime 
super Indulgentiis, citavique extravagantem Clementis VI. 
aperte contra ipsum stantem, tarn super causa, quam ef- 
fectu Indulgentiarum. — Adduxi praeterea antiquam et com- 
munem Romanse Ecclesias consuetudinem, ac interpreta- 
tionem super alto etiam articulo de fide sacramentorum 
aperui, admonuique opinionem ejus non esse sanam, sed 
manifete dissentire a sacra Scriptura et recta Ecclesias 
doctrina, quae illi omnino repugnat. Is ad extravagan- 
tem claram et apertam dixit nescio quid relatione indig- 
num, et petiit diem ad deliberandum, rediturumque se af- 
firm avit. Ego ilium hortatus, ut se cognosceret, demisi. 

Rediitque postridie, una cum patre vicario generali con- 
gregationis observantium, multisque stipatus. Et cum ex- 
pectarem, ut severe agnosceret, caspit coram notario, quern 
secum duxerat, protestari; ego id subridens, iterum huma- 
nissime hominem hortatus sum, ut relicto hujuscemodi 
inani consilio, ad cor et sanitatem rediret, durum esse illi 
contra stimulum calcitrare. Addidit deinceps, in scriptis 
se velle mihi respondere, et causam suam agere, me ante- 
riore die satis digladiatum verbis cum illo fuisse. Ego 
audaciamhominis miratus, dixi, Fili, neque tecum digladi- 
atus sum, neque digladiari volo ; tantum paratns sum in- 
tuitu illustrissimi ducis Frederici, te paterne ac benigne 
(non disputandi contendendive gratia) audire, ac pro ve- 
ritate monere ac docere, conciliare etiam (si voles) sanctis- 
simo Domino nostro Papas Leoni X. et Romanas Eccle- 



CAJETAN'S LETTER. 



329 



Rogavit me turn is, turn Vicarius ejus, ut ilium in scrip- 
tis audire vellem. Dixi me libentissime auscultaturum, et 
facturum omnia paterne, non tamen judicialiter. Itaque 
abiit, reversusque postea tertio est, et longam scripto ex- 
hibuit phylacteriam, in qua fatue admodum respondet ad 
constitutionem Extravagantis Papas, nec parcit etiam suae 
sanctitati, quam dicit abuti auctoritatibus sacrae Scripturae. 
Ad illud vero de fide Sacramentorum implet papyrum locis 
sacras Scripturae omnino impertinentibus et perperam in- 
tellectis. 

Ego postquam ostendi non ita esse intelligendum quod 
in ilia extravagante et sacris Uteris scriptum est; iterum 
atque iterum fratrem Martinum ut filium monui et obtesta- 
tus sum, nollet plus sapere, quam oporteret, nec nova dog- 
mata in Ecclesiam intrudere, sed seipsum cognoscere, et 
salvare animam suam. 

Venit ad me deinde pater vicarius congregationis cum 
quo praesente, magnifico Domino Urbano Oratore montis 
ferrati, et uno magistro theologian dicto Ordinis, multasque 
horas tractavimus de negotio hoc, ut tolleretur scandalum, 
salva reverentia Apostolicae Sedis, et sine ulla nota fratris 
Martini. Venit postea solus ille theologiae Magister, socius 
fratris Martini, qui probavit et collaudavit tractatum. 

Jactis his fundamentis, cum bene sperarem omnia, pro- 
fectus est hinc idem vicarius, insalutato hospite, ac me 
omnino nescio. Subsequutus est deinde frater Martinus, et 
socii ejus, mihique omnino, imo sibi, perbelle illuserunt. 
Accepi interea fratris Martini literas, quibus petit fucatam 
veniam, non ideo vero revocat maledicta et scandala, quas 
catholicae ecclesiae concussit. 

Ego, illustrissime Princeps, fraudulentum fratris Mar- 
tini et sequacium consilium, non solum admiratus sum, 
verum etiam prorsus perhorrui et obstupui. Cum enim 
de bona illius valetudine maxim e sperarem, maxime sum 
frustratus. Non video tamen cujus fiducia haec agat. 

In causa vero tria affirmaverim. Primo, dicta fratris 
Martini in conclusionibus suis disputative esse posita, in 
sermonibus tamen ab eo scriptis, affirmative et assertive 
esse posita et confirmata in vulgari Germanico, ut aiunt. 
Ea autem sunt partim contra doctrinam Apostolicae Sedis, 
partim vero damnabilia. Et credat mihi illustrissima do- 
minatio vestra, qui vera dico et loquor, ex certa scientia 
non ex opinionibus. 

Secundo, illustrissimam illam vestram dominationem 
2 T 



330 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



hortor et rogo, consulas honori et conscientiae suae, vel 
mittendo fratrem Martinum ad Urbem, vel ejiciendo extra 
terras suas, postquam non vult paterna via errorem suum 
cognoscere et cum universal! Ecclesia bene sentire. 

Postremo, illud sciat illustrissima Dominatio vestra ne- 
quaquam hoc tarn grave et pestilens negotium posse diu 
hserere, nam Romae prosequentur causam, quando ego lavi 
manus meas, et ad sanctissimum Dominum, Dominum 
nostrum hujuscemodi fraudes scripsi. 

Bene et feliciter valeat Excellentia vestra cui me itrtime 
commendo. Ex Augusta Vindelicorum xxv. die Octobris, 
Anno M.D.XVIII. 

Iterum atque iterum rogo, ut dominatio vestra illus- 
trissima non permittat se decipi a dicentibus, " Nihil mali 
continent fratris Martini Lutheri dicta nec ponat macu- 
lam in gloriam majorum suorum et suam, propter unum 
fraterculum, ut toties promisit. Ego loquor puram veri- 
tatem, et servabo Jesu Christi regulam : A fructibus eorum 
cognoscetis eos. Haec pauca manu propria. 

E. V. et illustriss. D. 

ad obsequia 

THOMAS, 

S. Sixti Cardinalis, Legatus Apostolicae Sedis. 

LUTHER'S REJOINDER TO CAJETAN'S 
LETTER. 

Epistola D. Martini ad Lutheri illustrissimum et clemen- 
tissimum D. Fredericum, Saxoniee ducem, he. In qua 
respondet ad ea, de quibus eum Legatus Apostolicus 
accusat, in Uteris suis ad prsedictum Saxonise Electo- 
rem ex Augusta missis. 

Illustrissimo et vere optimo Principi, D. Frederico Elec- 
tori, sacri Romani imperii Archimarschallo Duci Saxo- 
nise, Prsesidi Thuringse, Marchioni Misnensi, Domino suo 
clementissimo, deditum mancipium, F. Martinus Lutherus 
Augustinianus, felicitatem, et quidquid potest oratio pec* 
catoris. 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 331 



Accepi, clementissime ac illustrissime Princeps, per 
amicissimum meum Dominum Georgium Spalatinum, li- 
teras una cum exemplo literarum Reverendissimi Domini 
Thomae Cajetani, Tituli S. Sixti Cardinalis, Sedis Apos- 
tolicae Legati, voluntate illustrissimae dominationis tuae ad 
me misso. Accepi autem et reverenter et hilariter. Vi- 
deo enim pulcherrimam totius causae meae exponendae oc- 
casionem datam. Unum solum ab illustrissima celsitudine 
tua precatus fuero, ut sordidum hunc et mendicum frater- 
culum splendor magnitudinis tuae, clementissime, tolleret 
balbutientem. 

Primum vere scribit Reverendus D. Cardinalis me salvo 
conductu voluisse muniri meam Augustae praesentiam. Ne- 
que id feci aut meo aut illustrissimae dominationis tuae con- 
silio, sed amicorum singulorum et omnium, quibus fueram 
Uteris commendatus, excepto uno, magnifico Domino Ur- 
bano oratore, qui solus multis verbis dissuasit. Sed ne- 
cesse fuit mihi, ut omnes praeferrem uni, ne si quid temere 
mihi contigisset, me contempsisse scriberent, et illustrissi- 
mae dominationis tuae commendationem, et ipsorum fidelis- 
simam operam. Deinde non capitosi, sed naturalis afFec- 
tus est, multos Germanos antea cognitos, atque vita et auc- 
toritate celebres, a me Germano praeferri uni Italo. Ipsa 
enim natio et multitudo me, spero, justissime excusabunt, 
ne orator ille dominus magnificus se a me contemptum 
possit causari. 

Non ergo tua, illustrissime princeps, diffidentia arguen- 
da fuit, imo plus in reverendissimum dominum Legatum 
confisum est, quam speraverant amici, ita ut meam temeri- 
tatem mirarentur, seu (ut ipsi ' honorabant) audaciam, 
quod sine conductu essem ingressus Augustam. Manda- 
verat enim mihi illustrissima tua dominatic per Spalatinum 
meum, non esse mihi necessarium salvum conductum, adeo 
illustrissima tua celsitudo omnia bona de reverend. Legato 
praesumebat. 

Percurram et caetera epistolae reverendissimi domini Le- 
gati membra, ac paucis respondebo ad ea. 

Vere scribit me tandem comparuisse, et dilationem ac- 
cessus ac salvi conductus impetrationem excusasse. Dice- 
bam enim me a magni ordinis utriusque status viris fuisse 
monitum, ne muros Wittembergae egrederer, esse enim 
mihi insidias aut ferri, aut veneni paratas. Deinde addidi 
et causam praedictam, scilicet amicorum studium nomine 
illustrissimae dominationis tuae mihi consulentium. Obtuli 



332 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



itaque me prostratum ante pedes Reverendissimi domini 
Legati, et omni reverentia et humilitate petii veniam, si 
quid temere vel dixissem vel egissem, esseque me paratis- 
simum doceri et duci (sicut et hodie sentio) in saniorem 
sententiam. 

Hie me reverendissimus Dominus Legatus paterae et 
clementissime suscepit, commendans et congratulans huic 
mea3 humilitati ; statim tria mihi facienda proposuit, de 
mandate- Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papae Leonis X. sicut 
aiebat (nam exemplar breve petenti denegabat). 

Primum, ut redirem ad cor, et erratus meos revocarem. 
Secundo, ut promitterem, in futurum, abstinere ab eisdem. 
Tertio, ut ab omnibus quoque aliis abstinerem, quibus per- 
turbari possit Ecclesia. 

Ad primum petii, ut monstraret mihi, in quonam erras- 
sem ; mox id objecit, quod conclusione 7. inter declarandum 
dixeram, " oportere eum, qui ad sacramentum accedit cre- 
tlere, se consecuturum gratiam sacramenti." Hanc enim 
doctrinam esse contra sacram Scripturam et rectam Ec- 
clesiae doctrinam voluit. Ego vero constanter dixi in eo 
puncto me non esse cessurum, sicut nec hodie neque in 
tor nam sum cessurus. Tunc ipse : " Velis, nolis, hodie 
oportebit te revocare, alioqui vel propter hunc locum om- 
nia tua dicta damnabo.'* 

Et quanquam dicebat sese non opinionibus doctorum, 
sed Scripturis Sanctis et canonibus mecum acturum, nec 
syllabam tamen Scripturae contra me produxit, cum ego 
contra multas Scripturas pro me adducerem, ut videri po- 
test in schedula responsionis meae. Nisi quod de efficacia 
Sacramentorum mihi concilia recitabat, quae non negavi, 
neque contra me erant. Labebatur tamen inter dicendum 
semper in opiniones Doctorum. Et expecto, peto, rogo us- 
que hodie unam Scripturae auctoritatem, vel sanctorum 
patrum, quae sit contra meam hanc sententiam. 

Et ut tibi, illustrissime Princeps, ex corde loquar, doleo 
totis visceribus hanc rem fidei nostras in Ecclesia non so- 
lum dubiam et ignotam, sed etiam falsam putari. Verum, 
optime Princeps, coram Deo et Angelis ejus protestor, fiat 
de alia mea Responsione quicquid fieri potest, sit falsa, sit 
contra extravagantem, sit damnanda, sit revocanda, faciam 
hie omnia, si ita oporteat. Hanc autem sententiam mo- 
riens confitebor, et omnia potius negabo, quam illam revo- 
cabo. Nam sive merita Christi sint thesaurus indulgentia- 
nvm, non ideo indulgentiarum, non ideo indulgentiis ali- 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 



333 



quid accedit, sive non sint, nihil ideo decedit. Manent in- 
dulgentiae id quod sunt, quocunque tandem nomine hono- 
rentur et inflentur. Nec sum ideo malus Christianus, si in- 
dulgentias nolim, quas ille tantum solas extollit et pro eis 
pugnat. Sed, si hanc fidei sententiam mutavero, Chris- 
tum negavero. Sic sapio, sic sapiam, donee contraria sen- 
tentia per scripturas fuerit probata, et adductae per me auc- 
toritates dissolutae, quod nondum est factum, neque fiet, 
(Deo propitio) unquam. 

Deinde quia indulgentias movebant plus, quain materia 
ilia fidei, sicut et scribit, maxime (inquit) super indulgen- 
tiis, attulit extravagantem Clernentis VI. contra proposi- 
tionem meam LVIII. ubi negavi merita sanctorum et 
Christi esse thesaurum indulgentiarum, sicut adhuc nego, 
saltern ut jacentet sonant verba, quantumcunque ipse cla- 
ram apertamque jactet extravagantem, ego contra obscu- 
ram ambiguam, impropriam dico, sicut in responsione mea 
priori patet. 

Quod autem in literis suis scribit, me dixisse ad extrava- 
gantem " nescio quid relatione indignum," hoc tanquam 
JLaico scribit. Illud indignum relatione (ut odium verbi 
illius revelem, et appareat, an hoc sit paterne me quaerere) 
hoc fuit, illustrissime princeps, quod dixi extravagantem il- 
lam non satis valere contra meam conclusionem, maxime 
cum torqueat in alienum sensum Scripturas et abutatur eis; 
hoc verbum, torquere et abuti, mire torquebat hominem et 
adhuc torquet, ut indicant literae ejus. Voluit enim et 
vult verba humana pontificis simpliciter accepi, non habita 
ratione, an consentiant cum Scripturis, necne. 

Verum, optime princeps, permittat celsitudo tua, ut et 
ego tanquam coram laico hanc rem tractem; id est crasse 
et aperte. Volo interim oblivisci acerrimum illud et omni- 
bus doctissimis quoque formidabile judicium, quo Deus in- 
signivit prae omnibus, quos nostra vidit aetas, ingenium 
principis Frederici. Dico itaque non esse rarum atque no- 
vum, Scripturas sanctas a Pontificibus et doctoribus Sanctis 
fuisse tortas, et in alienum sensum ductas, quod ne multis 
agam etiam crasso cuique bubulco clarum faciam, uno extra 
propositum (ut vocant) exemplo adducto. 

Dicit decretalis quaedam, constitutionibus, " translato sa- 
cerdotio, necesse est, ut legis fiat translatio." Haec verba 
Apostoli sunt apud Hebraeos cap. 7. docentis temporale sa- 
cerdotium et legem abrogata et finita, succedente aeterno 
sacerdotio Christi. Hasc est propria et genuina sententia 
verborum Apostoli. 



334 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



At in decretali est ista sententia, " sacerdotium Christi 
est translatum in S. Petrum," sic enim Juristae interpre- 
tantur. Quis non videt alienam esse hanc intelligentiam, 
et prorsus talem, quag nisi multo sudore moderetur, sit im- 
piissima. Impiissimum omnium enim est dicere, sacerdotium 
Christi aeternum esse translatum, id est, abrogatum et fini= 
turn; et legem ejus aeternam esse abrogatam et translatam, 
ut Petrus sit sacerdos et legislator, amoto Christo. 

Nolo Petrum aut Paulum habere sacerdotem, quoniam 
et ipse peccator est, non habens, quod neque pro se neque 
quod pro me offerat. Ut interim taceam, quod in solum 
Petrum a Christo translatum dicitur, quasi caeteri Apostoli 
laici remanserint, aut a -S. Petro in Apostolos ordinati fue- 
rint. Quanto rectius ergo non sacerdotium, sed ministerium 
tantum sacerdotiique in Petrum positum intelligeretur, aut 
alio quocunque sensu, qui illaesum permittat germanum 
Apostoli sensum. 

Nunquid ergo male dico, si in faciem hujus decretalis 
dixero, hanc contrariam propositionem sacerdotium Christi 
cum sit aeternum, non est translatum in S. Petrum: aut 
etiam hie me coget reverendissimus Dominus Legatus, ut 
verum sensum negem, et decretalis sensum solum amplec- 
tar ? Talia sunt in jure Canonico multa, quibus (ut cum 
fiducia loquar) si non corrupta, certe obscurata est Scrip- 
tura. 

Tale quid in extravagantem a me factum est nam certis- 
simum est merita Christi non posse per hominem dispensari. 
Deinde etiam ipsa potius imponunt, quam relaxant bona 
opera (quod est indulgentias esse) pcenitentiae, ut Petrus 
aperte dicit. " Christus pro nobis passus est, vobis relin- 
quens exemplum, ut sequamini vestigia ejus." Non ait, 
passus est pro vobis, ne vos pateremini aut ut vos relaxa- 
remioi, sed exemplum reliquit sequendi, non reliquit the- 
saurum omittendi, &ic. 

Hasc est enim proprie virtus meritorum Christi, amare ad 
opus, non ponere cervical, et ponere pulvinos sub cubitis et 
capitibus, ut ait propheta Ezechiel. Ideo contra extrava- 
gantem, imo contra malum ejus intellectum opposui, et ad- 
hue oppono. Nec est ista communis Ecclesiae consuetudo, 
quam jactat, sed corruptela et abusus, contra Scripturae ve- 
ritatem militans. 

Igitur permitto extravagantem esse veram, sed nego sen- 
sum ejus esse, quern adducta verba Scripturae habent in suo 
loco, quae verba utique vera fuerunt plus quam per duode- 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 335 



cim annorum centenaria, ante constitutionem hujus extra- 
vagantis. Neque al? extravagante, vel a tempore ejus pri- 
mum veritatem acceperunt. Nam si ista verba Scripturae 
de indulgentiis debent intelligi proprio et genuino sensu, 
jam possent ex sacra Scriptura probari et demonstrari in- 
dulgentiae, quod ad unum omries constantissime negant. 

Igitur volo utrumque servare, et dicitur mihi, " imo is- 
tum (scilicet pejorem sensum) servabis, alterum (scilicet 
meliorem) negabis." Ego autem nolo, sed sufficere puto, 
verbo hominis me tantum reverentiae gradum dedisse, ut 
verum esse confitear. Nolo verbum Dei, qui mentiri (ut 
ille) non potest, propter illius verbum negare. Non igi- 
tur " relatione indignum " est (nisi dum alteri velis mortem 
et perditionem moliri sine causa) dicere quod Papa aut 
sancti Patres aliquoties torserint Scripturas, et in alienum 
sensum abusi sint, aut si id pertinaciter negatur, jam et Pa- 
pain et sanctos haereticos et impios faciemus, ut quos man- 
ifestum est, alium sequi sensum, quam sit in Scriptura, et 
id non paucis locis, neque raro. 

Hue usque prima die actum est, id est, duo ista objecta 
sunt. Petii enim diem ad deliberandum, et abii. Non 
enim e re mea fore vidi, verbis rem agere, quod ille, loco 
Pontificis sedens, quidquid diceret, ratum apud me esse 
voluit ; rursum, quidquid ego opponerem exibilatum fuit 
explosum, imo derisum, etiamsi sacras adveherem literas. 
Nam omitto dicere, quod potestatem Papag, et supra Scrip- 
turas et supra concilia tollere conabatur, allegans, quo- 
modojam Papae concilium Basiliense abrogasset. Cum 
rursus Parisiensis universitatis appellationem allegassem, 
M Videbunt," inquit, " pcenas suas."— Tandem nescio quos 
Gersonistas damnavit, nam Basiliense concilium, aut certe 
Gersonem allegaveram in resolutionibus, quod hominem 
movebat. Breviter paternitas ilia toties illustrissimae tuae 
dominationis promissa erga me, in hoc constitit, aut vim me 
passurum, aut revocaturum, non enim disputare sese me- 
cum velle aiebat. Ideoque consilium fuit, scriptis respon- 
dere, quae id certe oppressis praebent solatium, quod alio- 
rum quoque judicio examinari possunt, et nonnihil consci- 
entiae atque timoris incutiunt, alioqui verbis praevalenti. 

Altera itaque die redii, et mecum reverendus pater Vi- 
carius Johannes Staupitzius, qui interim advenerat, prae- 
sentibusque quatuor insignibus viris Caesareae majestatis 
senatoribus, caepi coram notario, quem adduxeram, pro- 
testari, me nihil velle dicere aut dicturum esse unquam. 



336 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



quod contra sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae doctrinam esset, pa- 
ratumque esse doceri ac duci, sicubi errassem, subjiciens 
mea dicta summo Pontifici. Deinde quatuor universitati- 
bus, Basiliensi, Friburgensi, Lovaniensi, tandem si hoc 
non essit satis, etiam ipsi parenti studiorum, Parisiensi, ut 
schedula protestationis meae indicat. 

Hie iterum ridens meum hoc consilium, caepit monere, 
ut ad cor redirem, veritatemque agnoscerem, velle sese 
rursum me reconciliare ecclesiae, et summo pontifici, et his 
similia, quasi jam haereticus, apostata et extra ecclesiam 
essem declaratus. Sed cum ego non verbis, sed scriptis 
respondere promitterem, et peterem, satis fuisse mecum 
anteriori die digladiatum. Hoc verbum, digladiatum, mor- 
dicus apprehendit, et ridens, Fili mi, inquit, non sum te- 
cum digladiatus, nec volo tecum digladiari, sed monere, 
et intuitu illustrissimi principis Frederici, paterae ac be- 
nigne audire. Hoc est (ut ego cogebar intelligere) ad 
nihil aliud quam ad revocationem urgere. Displicuit enim 
merito stultitia mea, quod pro disputare vel contendere 
(quod anteriori die egimus, re ipsa, si non oportet negare) 
digladiari dixeram, elegantius, quam tunc res ipsa postu- 
labat. 

Interim, me tacente, surgit reverendus dominus vica- 
rius, petens, ut me (sicut et ipse petieram) in scriptis au- 
diret. Quod tandem vix obtinuimus, nam publicam dis- 
putationem noluit, privatim quoque negabat se mecum 
disputaturum. In scriptis etiam respondere simpliciter 
usque ad earn horam me noluit concedere, solummodo re- 
vocandi verbum inculcabat. Quod si fecissem, non du- 
bito omnia fuisse vel paternissime composita, benignissi- 
mus enim vir est, meo judicio, sed qui revocare libentis- 
sime audivisset. 

Tertio reversus, obtuli responsiones ad objecta duo in 
scriptis, quas primo multa et inania verba esse dixit, (sicut 
et nunc scribit) me admodum fatue respondisse, et im- 
plevisse papyrum locis scripturae impertinentibus, seseque 
veram eorum intelligentiam dedisse. Verum cum dixissem 
tandem pro me stare, quod extravagans dicit, Christum 
suis passionibus acquisivisse thesaurum Ecclesiae suae, sta- 
tim arripuit codicem, legit et in verbum acquisivit, impe- 
git, sedulo tamen dissimulans sese impegisse. 

Surgens tandem dixit: Vade, inquit, aut revoces, aut in 
conspectum meum non revertaris. Ego vero mox abii, 
credens me simpliciter non reverti audere, quandoquidem 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 33? 



propositi! m non revocandi formaveram, nisi aliud docerer. 
Taceo quod rumor circumferebatur, permissum esse a re- 
verendo patre generali, me capiendum et in vincula, nisi 
revocarem, conjiciendum. Mansi tamen Augusta eodem 
die. Erat turn feria sexta. 

Post prandium vocato reverend o patre vicario, trac- 
tavit cum eo. ut me ad revocationem adduceret, sine mea 
nota, ut hie scribit, id est, cum perpetua infamia, quae so- 
let eos sequi, qui timore hominum contra conscientiam 
abnegant veritatem. Quod ille quidem fecit, sed rogatus, 
ut Scripturas mihi solveret, dicebat, supra vires suas esse, 
et ego, contra conscientiam meam esse revocare, nisi Scrip- 
turae mihi aliter elucidarcntur. Mansi deinde, et sabbato 
toto nihil dicebatur, nihil mandabatur. Mansi et sequenti 
Dominica, ubi saltern per literas adii reverendissimum Do- 
minum Legatum, sed nihil fiebat. Mansi et feria secunda; 
mansi et feria tertia. Et suspectum mihi et omnibus amicis 
sileutium factum est. Ideo timens vim, et appellatione dis- 
posita, reliqui Augustam, et feria quarta recessi, confidens 
me praestitisse abunde arduam et fidelem obedientiam sum- 
mo Pontifici, juxta tenorem citationis si quid autem ultra 
prosequentur, vigore ejusdem, nihil mirum, si injuriam 
patiar. Deinde video, optirne princeps, quod vere Deus 
in altis habitet, et comprehendat astutos in astutia sua. 
Dicit enim, tria affirmaverim in hac causa. 

" Primo, dicta fratris Martini, in conclusionibus suis 
disputative, in sermonibus tamen ab eo scriptis affirmative, 
et assertive esse posita." 

Respondeo : si disputative posita intelligit, quid ergo 
me miserum et pauperem hominem tot molestiis vexant, 
tot sumptibus extenuant, tot criminibus et ignominiis affi- 
ciunt, tot scandala et prope schismata excitant ? Sunt 
disputationes, (inquit,) gratias ago, absolutus sum. Imo 
et damnati sunt omnes, qui me in jus vocaverunt, ipse enim 
reverendissimus dominus Legatus his verbis testis nobis sit, 
se frustra et iniqua ratione omnia contra me egisse, et ista 
quoque non sincere scripsisse. An nondum pudet eos suae 
tyrannidis, quam proprio testimonio tarn clare confitentur? 
Quid enim disputationi potest objici criminis ? Quid dis» 
putatori, qualem hie me confitetur ? Quid istis Uteris vo- 
luit ? An ut nosceremus fratrem Martinum nihil egisse, 
nisi diputasse ? Ideoque contra eum motos fuisse ejus ad- 
versarios, ipsumquemet reverendissimum dominum Lega- 
tum, et non nisi insidiose calumniam et injuriam ei molitos 

2U 



338 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



fuisse ? Nam super disputatione fuit citatus, non super ser- 
monibus, super sermones enim postquam fuerat citatus, 
facti sunt certiores, quos ego facilius defendam (deo pro- 
pitio) quam ipsas disputationes. Nam hie multa dubitavi 
et ignoravi, illic loquutus sum ex certa scientia, et non ex 
opinionibus. 

Nunc hoc videamus, quod ea, quae in sermonibus dixi, 
partim damnabilia, partim contra doctrinam Apostolicae 
sedis asserit. Quia scilicet ei aliud est, esse damnabile, 
et aliud esse contra doctrinam sedis Apostolicae. Forte 
quod damnabilis non est, qui contra doctrinam Sedis Apos- 
tolicae loquitur. Ac sic iterum absolvor et justificor, qui 
in hoc maxime et solum accusatus sum, et citatus, quod 
contra doctrinam sedis Apostolicae fuerim loquutus, id est, 
non damnabiliter, ut hie distinguitur. 

Quam vellem, illustrissime Princeps, hanc epistolam ab 
aliquo Silvestro Prieriate fuisse scriptam, ut libertate 
plena ingenii earn liceret excutere. Ostenderem profecto, 
quam difficile sit, malam et sinistram conscientiam dextera 
operire specie. At nunc reverentia optimi et humanissimi 
viri cogit me bullientis cordis mei premere aestus usque in 
aliud tempus. 

Sed hoc pati non possum, quod ex prudentissimo et 
acerrimi judicii principe, nobis quendam facere Pilatum 
conatur. Nam cum Judaei Christum coram Pilato statuis- 
sent, et interrogati fuissent, " Quam accusationem affer- 
rent, aut quid mali fecisset homo ille?" dixerunt, " Si 
non esset malefactor, noil tibi tradidissemus eum." lta et 
hie reverendissimus dominus Legatus, cum fratrem Mar- 
tinum principi obtulisset, multis odiosis verbis, et princeps 
interrogare posset,-—" Quid fecit fraterculus ille?" respon- 
det : " Credat mihi, illustrissime princeps, dominatio ves- 
tra, quia vera loquor ex certa scientia, non ex opinionibus." 
Respondebo ego pro principe ; Fac, ut sciam hanc esse 
certam scientiam, ponatur in scriptis, formetur in literas, 
non vereatur publicum et lucem. Quod ubi factum fuerit, 
tunc mittam fratrem Martinum ad Urbem, imo ipse eum 
capiam et interficiam. Tunc consulam honori meo et con- 
scientias meae, et non ponam maculam in gloriam meam. 
Donee autem ilia certa scientia lucem fuget, et non nisi 
voce tantum prodit, nolo in tenebris confidere quando nec 
lux satis tuta est. Sic enim ego responderem, princeps 
illustrissime, verum nec doctore, nec consule eget illus- 
trissima tua prudentia. Nam crassae istse Italitates (ut 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 339 



sic dixerim) et Romanitates, jam pueris quoque cantatae 
sunt. 

Nunc judicet illustrissima dominatio tua, quid amplius 
facere debui aut debeo. Per pericula tanta vitae et salutis, 
contra omnium amicorum consilium comparui, ut et hodie 
dicant, me non fuisse obligatum comparere. Deinde co- 
ram reverendissimo domino Legato, reddidi rationem dic- 
torum meorum. Poteram legitima libertate unum verbum 
respondisse, nec me in aliquam examinationem dare, prae- 
sertim, cum resolutiones meae essent oblatae et significatae 
summo Pontifici, ita ut ad me nihil pertineret haec causa 
nisi ut expectarem sententiam, nam in arbitrium Ecclesiae 
a me translatum jam reposueram, et tamen ob reverentiam 
reverendissimi domini Legati passus sum ultra haec me 
etiam examinari. Non ego fraudulentus fui, sed vim jus- 
tissimo timore declinavi. Nihil me omisisse video, nisi sex 
istas literas " revoco." Caeterum damnent, doceant, in- 
terpretentur, vel reverendissimus dominus Legatus, vel ipse 
summus Pontifex, non autem dicant solum, " errasti, male- 
dixisti," sed in scriptis signent errorem, probent maledic- 
tum, rationem, quam debent, reddant, dissolvant Scriptu- 
ras a. me inductas. Doceant sicut jactant, verbis sese fe- 
cisse, instruant doceri cupientem, petentem, volentem, ex- 
pectantem, • quae nec Turcus homo mihi negaret. Ubi 
videro aliter intelligenda, quam intellexi si tunc non revo- 
cavero, et meipsum non damnavero, illustrissime princeps, 
tua celsitudo sit prima, quae persequatur me, expellat me, 
obruant me viri Academiae nostrae, denique caelum et ter- 
ram contra me invoco, perdatque me ipse Dominus meus 
Jesu Christus. Loquor et ego ex certa scientia, et non ex 
opinionibus, nolo mihi Dominum Deum ipsum, nolo ullam 
creaturam Dei mihi fore propitiam, si edoctus meliora se- 
quutus non fuero. 

Quod si me fraterculum et mendicum prae nimia condi- 
tionis meae utilitate contempserint docere et in viam veritatis 
reducere, age faciat tua illustrissima celsitudo, et oret re- 
verendissimum dominum Legatum, ut saltern tuae celsitu- 
dini scribat, in quibus erraverim, et quomodo me errorem 
emendare oporteat, ut saltern per illustrissimam tuam do- 
minationem audire merear, quibus rationibus, quibus auc- 
toritatibus errorem meum confutare possint. Quod si 
etiam illustrissimae tuae dominationi hoc denegaverint, scri- 
bant id vel Imperatori vel Archiepiscopo alicui in Ger- 
mania. Quid enim aliud possum facere ? Mira res est 
quod errasse arguor, et obtinere non possum (nec per 



340 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



tantum principem) in quibus, et quare, ipsi me errasse 
putent. 

Videat igitur tua illustrissima dominatio, disputationem 
publicam mihi negat (quam usque hodie vel Lipsiae, vel 
Erphordiae, vel Hallis, vel Magdeburgi, vel ubicunque tua? 
dominationis valet imperium, seu salvus conductus, non 
detrecto, quin etiam oro, et utinam exorem;) privatam 
similiter negat. In scriptis etiam ostendere errorem negat. 
Quatuor illustrissimarum Academiarum judicia recusat. 
Si nunc id addat, ut illustrissimi ac potentissimi principis 
petitionis rejiciat, quomodo possum aliud quam meram vim 
et insidias suspicari ? 

Iterum ego quoque atque iterum et tertio iterum rogo, 
illustrissima dominatio tua non credat iis qui dicunt fratrem 
Martinum male dixisse, antequam audiatur et doceatur 
male dixisse. Erravit Petrus etiam post acceptum Spi- 
ritum sanctum, etiam errare potest unus Cardinalis, quan- 
tumlibet doctus. 

Consulat igitur illustrissima dominatio tua honori suo, 
et conscientia? sua?, non mittendo me ad Urbem. Homo 
enim non habet hoc mandare illustrissima? dominationi 
tua?, cum sit impossibile me tutum fore in Urbe, et id nihil 
aliud esset, quam illustrissima? dominationi tua? mandare, 
ut traderet sanguinem Christiani, et fieret homicida, ubi 
nec ipse summus Pontifex satis tuto vivit. Habent papy- 
rum, et calamos, et atramentum in Urbe, habent infinitos 
notarios ; facile erit in papyrum- signare, in quibus et 
quare erraverim. Possum levioribus expensis doceri ab- 
sens per literas, quam perdi per insidias pra?sens. 

Unum ego intimo corde doleo, quod Uteris suis reve- 
rendissimus dominus Legatus oblique mordet illustrissi- 
mam dominationem tuam, quasi fiducia potentia? celsitu- 
dinis tua? moliar ista omnia. Sic enim et apud nos quidam 
syeophantae jactaverunt, tua? celsitadinis hortatu et consi- 
lio, me ista disputasse, cum hujus disputationis nullus, 
etiam intimorum amicorum fuerit conscius, nisi reverendis- 
simus dominus archiepiscopus Magdeburgensis, et domi- 
nus Hieronymus episcopus Brandenburgensis. Hos enim, 
sicut intererat eorum ista monstra prohibere, ita privatis 
Uteris antequam disputationem ederem, humiliter et reve- 
renter monui, ut super oves Christi vigilarent adversus 
lupos istos. Bene sciebam ha?c non ad principes laicos, 
sed ad episcopos primum referenda. Extat epistola mea, 
multorum in manus devoluta, horum omnium testis, ista 
ego feci. 



LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 341 



Sed quod nunc vellet reverendissimus dominus Legatus 
tuae illustrissimae dominationi maculam inurere, totique 
sanguini domus Saxoniae, et in invidiam summi Pontificis 
vocare, adeo homines hodie credunt, Christum esse sepui- 
tum, quasi non et nunc per asinam loqui possit, et apostolis 
apostolicisque viris tacentibus, per ligna lapidesque cla- 
mare. 

Verum opto, oro, cupio, ut illustrissima tua dominatio 
in omnibus adhaereat ecclesiae et summo Pontifici, mihi 
vero in omnibus adversetur. Nisi id unum pro me (imo 
pro sancta veritate, pro ecclesiae, et pro summi Pontificis, 
denique pro ipsius reverendissimi domini Legati honore, 
denique pro illustrissima tuae dominationis fama quoque) 
supplicet, ut rationes et auctoritates appareant aliquando, 
quibus error meus convinci putatur. Nam sine his me 
damnare, neque tuae illustrissimae dominationi, neque sum- 
mo Pontifici, neque ecclesiae, neque reverendissimo domino 
Legato honorifieum fuerit. 

Vivunt fideles, vivit Christus, vivunt vel homines certe, 
qui judicent. 

Quod vero reverendissimus dominus Legatus, illustrissi- 
mam tuam dominationem admonet, ut nisi in Urbem me 
miserit, vel ejecerit e regionibus suis, Romae causam pro- 
secuturi sint, &c. In exilium ire non magnopere abnuo, 
ut cui undique ab adversariis meis insidias parari videam, 
neque facile usquam tuto degere possum. Quid enim ego 
miser et humilis monachus sperem, imo quid non timeam 
discriminis ? Quid non metuam mali ab aemulis meis, cum 
illustrissimam quidem tuam dominationem, quamvis tan- 
tum principem tantum Romani Imperii sacri Electorem, 
tantum Christianae religionis cultorem, non dubitent ita iri- 
signiter offendere, ut multo meliora merito minari videan- 
tur, nescio quam calamitatem, nisi me vel in Urbem mittat, 
vel e terris suis ejiciat. Quapropter, ne illustrissimae tuae 
dominationi quidquam meo nomine mali (quod minime 
omnium velim) accidat, ecce regiones tuas relinquo, iturus 
quo Deus misericors voluerit, et ejus divinae voluntati me 
in omnem permissurus eventum. Nihil enim minus sequor, 
quam ut quisquam mortalium mea causa (nedum illus- 
trissima dominatio tua) vel invidiam, vel in periculum ali- 
quod adducatur. 

Quamobrem, illustrissime princeps, illustrissimam tuam 
dominationem reverenter saluto, eique simpliciter valedico, 
gratias immortales pro omnibus suis beneficiis erga me 



342 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



agens, ego enim, ubicunque ero gentium, illustrissimse do- 
minationis tuae nunquam non ero memor, futurus semper 
sincerus et gratus pro tua et tuorum felicitate precator. 

Porro, quod ait reverendissimus dominus Legatus reve- 
rendum patrem vicarium abiisse insalutato hospite ; quid 
hoc ad illustrissimam dominationem tuam ? Vicarius non 
erat vocatus, nihil ad eum causa ista pertinebat, poterat 
ire, redire, abire, venire, omni hora ut voluit. An etiam 
portas Augustas ingredientibus et egredientibus propter 
me claudi oportebat? Sed timeo, quod undicunque cor- 
rodatur et quasratur causa contra me; necesse est enim 
quagri causam ab eo, qui vult habere causam, ubi nullam 
habet causam. 

Sed jam ignoscat illustrissima dominatio tua verbosis- 
simis nugis meis^ Ego adhuc gratia Dei gaudeo, et gra- 
tias ago, quod Christus Dei Filius in tam sancta causa me 
pati dignum judicaverit. Qui conservet illustrissimam do- 
minationem tuam in aeternum. Amen. 

XIX. Novemb. Wittembergce, Anno M.D.XVIII. 
Illustrissimae Dominationis tuae 

precator indignus, 
F. MARTINUS LUTHERUS 
Augustinianus. 

~^()$$&*~ 

CENTUM GRAVAMINA: 

AN EXTRACT, WITH A NOTICE OF THE PRINCIPAL TOPICS. 

The " Centum Gravamina" contain an ample list of the 
abuses practised by ecclesiastics, accompanied by com- 
plaints couched in language frequently more violent than 
even that of Luther. The first article in this long series 
was the Indulgences ; and the gross impositions practised 
by the quaestors, or superintendants of this fraudulent traf- 
fic, are strongly animadverted on. These men had no 
scruple in forcing the purchase of Indulgences by holding 
the terror of divine punishment before the imaginations 
of their credulous hearers. The sums drawn from va- 
rious quarters of Germany had been such, as to be pro- 
ductive of very sensible impoverishment. Absolution from 



CENTUM GRAVAMINA. 



343 



any crime was promised, on payment of a prescribed fee. 
The tyrannical practice of forcing an appeal to Rome, in 
ecclesiastical as well as civil causes, is exposed in this 
remonstrance to merited reprobation. This notable expe- 
dient had been introduced and maintained for the double 
purpose of feeding the church dependents, and of conso- 
lidating the sway of the papal court. The manner of 
conducting processes before the ecclesiastical courts was 
no less reprehensible than the motives for bringing them 
there. The princes complained likewise, in strong lan- 
guage, of the venal manner of granting marriage licenses ; 
of the improper issue of excommunications, and of the 
overbearing conduct of the papal commissaries in Ger- 
many. Ecclesiastics were not subject to prosecution or 
punishment in the same way as their humbler brethren 
among the laity. The right of patronage was frequently 
violated, and monasteries were arbitrarily exempted by 
the papal commissaries from the jurisdiction of the bi- 
shops. The collection of the tribute called " Annates" 
was persisted in, though the sums raised were not applied 
to the ostensible object — hostility to the Turks. Among 
other superstitious abuses, the " Centum Gravamina" enu- 
merated the consecration of churches and church-yards, 
and that almost incredible absurdity^ the baptizing of bells, 
all accompanied, as well as the interment of the dead, with 
heavy fees. All classes of ecclesiastics, monks, parish 
priests, abbots, abbesses, and even the papal legates, were 
charged with fattening on the spoils of the credulous peo- 
ple. Under an administration of justice decidedly partial 
to ecclesiastics, it was vain to hope for redress by an ap- 
peal to law. And so glaring was the traffic in church 
appointments, that benefices were sold by the mistresses of 
ecclesiastical dignitaries and by courtezans. 

The following may serve as a specimen of this remark-) 
able memorial. 

CENTUM GRAVAMINA, quae adversus sedem Roma- 
nam ac totum ecclesiasticum ordinem, oratori pontificiae 
sanctitatis, in comitiis Germanorum principum, Norem- 
bergae, Anno, &c. XXII. inchoatis, finitis vero XXIII. 
proposuerunt. 

Postquam relatio per oratorem sanctitatis Pontificiae 
comitiis praedictis coram majestatis Caesareae locumtenente, 



344 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



electoribus, caeterisque principibus, ac imperii statibus, 
ibidem congregatis, habita, ac breve (quod vocant aposto- 
licum) ejusdem Romani Pon. in consuitationem forent de- 
ducta, desuperque responsio consulta et conclusa ac eidem 
oratori et legato pontificio, in scriptis, nomine totius Ro- 
mani imperii tradita, factaque esset, forte inter alia, men- 
tio, non infrequens, gravaminum atque onerum Romani 
imperii procerum, quibus iniquius quam par sit, ab Ro- 
mance ecclesiae clero premerentur, placuit principibus ac 
caeteris imperii ordinibus, haec ipsa quae contra ecclesiae 
Romanae primores, se in medium adducturos polliciti erant, 
gravamina paulo altius a principibus, sigillatim per classes, 
et quam potuit maximum per ordinem digesta, repetere, 
recensereque, ac ita descripta fusius legato Romano, fe- 
renda secum trans Alpes, dare, rogareque hunc, ut apud 
sedem apostolicam curare velit, quatenus onera hasc non 
ferenda Germanis, e medio tollere, emendareque sanctitas 
sua non dedignetur. Quemadmodum praedicta haec in 
responsione supra memorata, omnia latius continentur. 
Itaque per compendium, ut sequitur, Germanicae nationis 
onera haec justo graviora, digesta, ac oratori pontificio, 
qui se nomine sanctissimi Romani praesulis, ita sincere 
ac Christiane obtulerat, tradita sunt, quo saepe dictus ora- 
tor ac legatus Pontificius, haec inde sanctitati legatis re- 
ferre, ac apud eundem pro Germanis principibus et pro- 
ceribus, totius imperii Romani ordinibus, interpellare 
possit. 

Sunt autem gravamina supra memorata, quae per capita 
nunc sequuntur. 

Gravamina sedis Apostolicce, non ferenda Germanis, ac 
jprimum de disperisationibus cere redemptis. 

L Inter reliqua onera, vel illud minime postremo loco est 
collocandum, quod constitutionibus humanis multa prohi- 
bentur, imperantur item multa, quod nullo divino prae- 
cepto, vel interdicta sunt, vel imperata. Sunt matrimo- 
niorum tarn innumera excogitata obstacula, ex afiinitatis, 
publicae honestatis cognatione, spirituali, legalique, et con- 
sanguinitatis tarn multis gradibus originem trahentia. 
Ciborum item usus interdictus, quos Deus tamen ad homi- 
nis necessitatem creavit, ac cum gratiarum actione pro- 
miscue sumendos Apostolus docuit. Haec nimirum atque 



CENTUM GRAVAMINA. 345 



his similes complures humanee constitutiones, eosque li- 
gant homines, donee pecunia sibi harum legum gratiam a 
statuentibus impetrent, ut ita pecunia faciat divitibus lici- 
tum, quod tenuibus gratis sit prohibitum. Illicitisque his 
legum ac constitutionum humanarum retiaculis, non modo 
magna numerorum copia a Germanis expiscata, e Germa- 
nia et trans Alpes lata, sed et maxima inter seque Chris- 
tianos orta iniquitas, plura offendicula, simultates, dum 
tenues hisce laqueis vident se allaqueari, non ob aliud, nisi 
quod spinas evangelicas (ita enim Christus divitias non se- 
mel appellat) non possideant. 

De tempore inter dicto. 

II. Pari modo agitur etiam cum celebrandis nuptiarum 
solennibus, a dominica septuagesima, qua cantatur in ec- 
clesia, " circumdederunt me,fc he. sub quadragesimse us- 
que initium, quo tempore ab ecclesise Romanse primoribus 
undique nuptias celebrari interdictum est. Quum tamen 
interim et ab ecclesiasticis et a secularibus passim sine dis- 
crimine pub lice, genialiter vivatur. Sed ita demum inter- 
dictum illud procedit, si gratis hoc facere quis intendat. 
Quod si nummi spes refulserit, jam quod primum erat pro- 
hibitum, impune ac libere facere licet. Est enim et hoc 
grave Germanorum crumenis retiaculum, quo extrahuntur 
nummi. Nec minus interim gravamen quam pauperis di- 
vitisque longe diversa in relaxandis his constitutionibus sit 
conditio. 

De oneribus jpapalium indulgentiarum. 

Illud importabile jam olim increbuit Romanarum indul- 
gentiarum onus, quando sub persona pietatis, quum aut 
basilicas Romanas construere, aut profectionem in Turcas 
parare polliciti sunt Romani Pontifices, omnem a simpli- 
cibus, nimiumque credulis Germanis exauxerunt pecuni- 
arum medullam. Et quod longe majoris est faciendum 
per has imposturas, ac earum conductitios praecones et 
praedicatores, profligata est Germana Christianorum pietas, 
dum qui extrudere volebant venales suas bullas, laudes suis 
mercibus occinebant, miras et inauditas condonari, pe- 
remptitias has condonationes, nedum noxas praeteritas, aut 
futuras viventium, sed et defunctorum vita existentium in 
purgatorio (quod vocant cantores illi indulgentiarum) ignis, 



346 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



modo numeraretur aliquid, modo tinniat dextera. Atque 
his mercium nundinationibus simul et spoliata est eere Ger- 
mania, et Christi pietas extincta, quando quilibet pro pre- 
tii, quod in has merces expenderat, modo, peccandi impu- 
nitatem sibi pollicebantur. Hinc stupra, ineestus, adul- 
teria, perjuria, homicidia, furta, rapinse, foenora, ac tota 
malorum lerna semel originem sibi traxerunt. Quod enim 
malorum amplius jam horrebunt mortales, quando sibi 
peccandi licentiam ac impunitatem, nedum in vita, sed et 
post obitum, aere, licet immodico, comparari posse a nun- 
dinationibus illis indulgentiariis, semel persuasum haben- 
tur maxime Germani, quibus per hos verae pietatis fucos, 
sub religionis persona, nihil non persuaderi difficile est ? 
Ut ingenio plane ad pietatem credulo est Germania. Et 
licet indulgentiee hse non seme-1 in hoc ad Germanos missae 
sint, quasi ex corrasa earum venditione pecunia, fideles con- 
tra barbaros, essent tutandi ac defendendi. Eventu tamen 
compertum habent Germani pecuniam hanc, non in rem 
fidei, aut alioqni Reipublicae Christianae necessariam, sed 
in propinquorum luxum ac sublevandam familiam ipsorum 
esse versam, quo uno, bina haec nata sunt perquam maxi- 
ma incommoda, quod et offendicula orta sunt simplicibus, 
et quod nunc Germani toties sentientes lusam fidem quum 
vere jam res postulat, ut contra Turcas instituatur expe- 
ditio bellica, nullis rationibus persuaderi se patiuntur, ut 
credant, quod res ipsa fere notorium facit. Ita. S. in- 
stare cervicibus nostris crudeles Turcas, suspicantes sem- 
per, prioribus simile quippiam agi. Quae una ratio est, 
ut tam segre manus contra Turcas jungant. Quanto- 
rum erga malorum et in rebus temporalibus ac Christi 
fldelium conscientiis, causae fuerint Romanae indulgentice, 
sauctitas Apostolica, pro sublimitate captus sui, exigua 
opera, vel inde, si non ex re ulla alia, conjectura conse- 
qui poterit. 

Praeterea Papalis sanctitas, caeterique Episcopi, ac ec- 
clesiae Romanas columnae, casus aliquot suae tantum abso- 
lutioni reliquos fecerunt, quorum si unum aut alteram 
commiseris, jam aut numerandum, aut absolutione tibi 
carendum est nempe quod in hoc reservati sint ut vel 
inde nummorum aliquid eis accrescat. Quod ex eo conji- 
cere licet, quod in casibus etiam quantumvis pro tempore 
honestis aut necessariis, nunquid turn nisi numeretur aliquid 
dispensant. At si nihil attuleris, numeraverisve, indispen- 
satus perpetuo maneas oportet. 



AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



347 



EXTRACTS FROM THE AUGSBURG CON^ 
FESSION, 

WITH A SUMMARY OF ITS CONTENTS. 

This memorable document was originally composed in 
German, but translated afterwards into Latin. The first 
edition published at Wittemberg has been generally refer- 
red to by Protestant writers, as correct and authentic. 
Though composed by Melancthon, the doctrines contained 
in it had, with the exception of a few verbal differences, 
been submitted, a considerable time before, to the leading 
men among the reformed. It deserves to be noticed that 
the authority of the council of Nice is mentioned in this 
confession with respect. Of all the oecumenical councils 
convened by the church of Rome, none has obtained more 
general attention than the council of Nice. Its records 
were well authenticated, and they corresponded with the 
tenets of the party which acquired ascendency in the Ro- 
mish church. The discussions at this early assemblage of 
the Christian clergy were directed chiefly to the controver- 
versies concerning the unity of the Godhead. The writings 
of Saint Augustine discover, as is well known, a zealous at- 
tachment to the Athanasian creed. It was a natural conse- 
quence of Luther's admiration of these writings, and of the 
general support of the Reformation by the Augustinian fra- 
ternity, that many of the tenets of the founder of the Order 
should be incorporated into the Protestant system. In gene- 
ral it may be remarked, that the Reformers were not at first 
aware of the strength of their cause, nor of the firm basis 
on which they might have taken their ground. While ani- 
madversions of this description are not inapplicable to the 
Augsburg Confession, the liberal and conciliatory spirit 
which it breathes, is deserving of high commendation. Of 
this the following extract contains a striking specimen : 

Haec summa est doctrinae quae in ecclesiis nostris tradi- 
tur. Et consentaneam esse judicamus et propheticae ac 
apostolicae scripturae, et Catholicae ecclesiae, postremo 
etiam Romanae ecclesiae, quatenus ex probatis scriptoribus 



348 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



nota est. Atque idem judicaiuros esse speramus omnes 
bonos et doctos viros. Non enim aspernamur consensum 
Catholicae ecclesiae, nec est animus nobis ullum novum 
dogma et ignotum sanctae ecclesiae, invehere in ecclesiam. 
Nec patrocinari impiis aut seditiosis opinionibus volu- 
mus, quas Catholica ecclesia damnavit. Non enim ad- 
ducti prava cupiditate, sed coacti auctoritate verbi Dei et 
veteris ecclesiae, amplexi sumus hanc doctrinam, ut gloria 
Dei fieret illustrior, et consuleretur piis mentibus in uni- 
versa ecclesia. Constat enim plerosque abusus irrepsisse 
in ecclesiam, qui emendatione opus haberent. Et cum 
propter gloriam Christi, turn propter salutem omnium 
gentium maxime optamus, ut diligenter cognitis his con- 
troversiis, ecclesia repurgetur, et ab iis abusibus liberetur, 
qui dissimulari non possunt, quam ob causam diu jam om- 
nes boni viri in omnibus nationibus expetunt Synodum, 
cujus quidem spem aliquam clementiss. Imperator. omnibus 
gentibus ostendit. Faciet igitur Imperator rem dignissi- 
mam sua magnitudine et felicitate, et exoptatam universae 
ecclesiae, si in Synodo permiserit, judicium de tantis rebus, 
non illis qui privatos affectus in consilium adhibent, sed 
delectis piis et doctis viris, qui gloriae Christi, et saluti 
universae ecclesiae consulere cupiant. Haec est usitata et 
legitima via in ecclesia, dirimendi dissensiones, videlicet ad 
Synodos referre controversias ecclesiastical 

Hunc morem servavit ecclesia hide usque ab Apostolis. 
Et praestantissimi imperatores, Constantinus ac Theodo- 
sius, etiam in rebus non valde obscuris, et dogmatibus ab- 
surdis, tamen sine Synodo, nihil constituere voluerunt, ut 
ecclesiae libertatem in judiciis dogmatum conservarent. Et 
honestissimum est Caesari illorum optimorum principum 
exemplum imitari, praesertim cum nos nihil mutaverimus., 
sine exemplo veteris ecclesiae. Et speramus hanc tantam 
felicitatem Imperatori divinitus datam esse, ad ecclesiae 
emendationem ac salutem. Certe hanc gratiam Deus ab 
ipso reposcit, ut potentiam suam ronferat ad ornandam 
Christi gloriam, ad ecclesiae pacem, ad prohibendam im- 
manem et injustissimam crudelitatem, quae mira quadam 
rabie passim exercetur in membra Christi, in homines pios 
et innocentes. Harum maximarum rerum curam manda- 
vit Deus summis principibus. Ideo excitat monarchas ut in- 
justa imperia prohibeant, quemadmodum excitavit Cyrum, 
ut liberaret a captivitate populum Judaeorum ; Constanti- 



AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



349 



num, ut illam infinitam saevitiam, quae tunc in Christianos 
exercebatur, depelleret. Ita optamus ut Caesar, et curam 
emendandae ecclesiae suscipiat, et injustam crudelitatem 
prohibeat. Nam articuli nostri, quos recensuimus, satis 
clare testantur, nos nullum dogma contra Catholicam ec- 
clesiam, nullam impiam aut seditiosam opinionem docere 
aut probare. Imo quosdam insignes articulos Christianas 
doctrinae a nostris pie et utiliter illustratos esse. In ex- 
ternis traditionibus abusus quidam mutati sunt, quarum 
etiam si qua est dissimilitudo, si tamen doctrina et fides 
pura sit, nemo propter illam traditionum humanarum dis- 
similitudinem habendus est haereticus, aut desertor Catho- 
licae ecclesiae. Nam unitas Catholics ecclesiae consistit in 
doctrinae et fidei consensu, non in traditionibus humanis, 
quarum semper in ecclesiis per totum orbem magna fuit 
dissimilitudo. Nec vero fidem habeat Caesarea majestas 
his, qui, ut odia contra nos inflamment, miras calumnias 
spargunt. Praedicant omnes ceremonias, omnes bonos mo- 
res in ecclesiis deleri a nobis. Haec crimina aperte falsa 
sunt. Nos enim et ceremonias divinitus institutas, summa 
pietate conservamus, et ut earum reverentiam augeremus, 
tantum novos quosdam abusus sustulimus, qui contra scrip- 
turam, contra veteres canones, contra veteris ecclesiae ex- 
empla, sine ulla certa auctoritate vitio temporum recepti 
sunt. Ac magna ex parte veteres ritus diligenter apud 
nos servantur. Quare rogamus, ut Caesarea majestas cle- 
menter audiat quid in externis ritibus servetur, quid qua 
de causa mutatum sit. 

It is of some consequence to remark, that the system 
which is generally termed the Calvinistic, is very perspi- 
cuously explained in the Augsburg Confession, a docu- 
ment antecedent to the writings of the Genevese reformer. 
The fact was, that respecting the fundamental doctrines 
of the Christian religion, the tenets of Zwinglius, Luther, 
and Calvin, were nearly alike; and the doctrine known 
by the name of the last of these eminent men, belongs to 
him, not as its author, but as its ablest expositor. His 
" Institutions" contain by far the ablest defence of the sys- 
tem, and it is very questionable whether any material ac- 
cession of strength has been gained to the cause by the 
writings of his followers. The Augsburg Confession 
clearly asserts the necessity of the influence of the Spirit, 
to produce conversion; while, at the same time, it ex- 



350 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



pressly declares that the word of God is the only medium 
through which the operations of the Spirit of God are com- 
municated. Those who entertain different notions are, 
without hesitation, pronounced fanatics. The perform- 
ance of good works is regarded in the Confession as a ne- 
cessary consequence of becoming a sincere Christian. In 
respect to the doctrine of repentance and the remission of 
sins, the Confession contains an exposition which fully 
shows the correspondence in these respects, of the ideas 
of Luther, Zwinglius, and Calvin. It discusses the sacra- 
ment of baptism, and ventures to touch, but with a gentle 
hand, the disputed question of the Lord's supper. Here 
we may discover in the Confession a considerable leaning 
to the Romish doctrine, mixed apparently with a dread of 
carrying innovation too far. However, the other five sa- 
craments of the Catholics are decidedly pronounced to 
have no foundation in the word of God. It would be su- 
perfluous to enumerate the declarations relative to parti- 
cular dogmas, such as the origin of evil, predestination, 
election, and other articles which enter into all the formulas 
of protestant churches. The conclusion of the Confession 
is as follows : 

Hi sunt praecipui articuli qui videntur habere controver- 
siam, quanquam enim de pluribus abusibus dici poterat, 
tamen, ut fugeremus prolixitatem, praecipua complexi su- 
mus, ex quibus caetera facile judicari possunt. Magnae 
querelae fuerunt de indulgentiis, de peregrinationibus, de 
abusu excommunicationis. Parochiae multipliciter vexa- 
bantur per stationarios. Infinitae contentiones erant pas- 
toribus cum monachis, de jure parochiali, de confessioni- 
bus, de sepulturis, de extraordinariis concionibus, et de 
aliis innumerabilibus rebus. Hujusmodi negotia praeter- 
misimus, ut ilia quae sunt in hac causa praecipua, breviter 
proposita, facilius cognosci possent. Neque hie quicquam 
ad ullius contumeliam dictum aut collectum est. Tantum 
ea recitata sunt, quae videbantur necessario dicenda esse, 
ut intelligi possit in doctrina ac ceremoniis, apud nos nihil 
esse receptum contra Scripturam, aut ecclesiam Catholi- 
cam, quia manifestum est, nos diligentissime cavisse, ne 
qua nova et impia dogmata in ecclesiis nostris serperent. 

Hos articulos supra scriptos, voluimus exhibere juxta 
edictum C. M. in quibus confessio nostra extaret, et eorum 
qui apud nos docent doctrinae summa cerneretur. Si quid 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 



351 



in hac confessione desiderabitur parati sumus latiorem in- 
formationem, Deo volente, juxta scripturas exhibere. 

Caesareae Majest. V. 

Fideles et subditi, 

Joannes, Dux Saxoniae Elector. 
Georgius, Marchio Brandenburgensis. 
Ernestus, Dux Luneburgensis. 
Phillippus, Landgravius Hessorum. 
Johannes Fredericus, Dux Saxoniae. 
Franciscus, Dux Luneburgensis. 
Volfgangus, Princeps ab Anhalt. 
Senatus Magistratusque Nurembergensis. 
Senatus Reutlingensis. 

LUTHER'S PREFACE TO THE FIRST VOLUME 
OF HIS WORKS, 

PUBLISHED IN 1545. 

Martinus Lutherus Pio Lectori, S. 

Multum diuque restiti illis, qui meos libros, seu verius 
confusiones mearum lucubrationum voluerunt editas, turn 
quod nolui an ti quorum labores meis novitatibus obrui, et 
lectorem a legendis illis impediri, turn quod nunc, Dei 
gratia, extent methodici libri quam plurimi, inter quos 
loci communes Phillippi excellunt, quibus theologus et 
episcopus pulchre et abunde formari potest, ut sit potens 
in sermone doctrinae pietatis, praesertim cum ipsa sacra 
biblia nunc in omni prope lingua haberi possint; mei au- 
tem libri, ut ferebat, imo cogebat, rerum gerendarum 
nullus ordo, ita etiam ipsi sint quoddam rude et indigestum 
chaos, quod nunc nec mihi ipsi sit facile digerere. 

His rationibus adductus, cupiebam omnes libros meos 
perpetua oblivione sepultos, ut melioribus esset locus. 
Verum improbitas et importuna pertinacia aliorum, qui 
mihi quotidie aures implebant, futurum esse, si ego vivus 
non permitterem edi, tamen post mortem me am essent cer- 



352 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



tissime edituri ii, qui prorsus nescirent causas et tempora 
rerum gestarum, et ita ex una confusione fierent plurimae. 
Vicit (inquam) eorum improbitas, ut edi permitterem. Ac- 
cessit simul voluntas et imperium illustrissimi principis 
nostri Johannis Frederici electoris, &ic. qui jussit, imo 
coegit typographos, non solum excudere, sed et maturare 
editionem. 

Sed ante omnia oro pium lectorem, et oro propter ipsum 
dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, ut ista legat cum ju- 
dicio, imo cum multa miseratione. Et sciat, me fuisse 
aliquando monachum, et papistam insanissimum, cum 
istam causam aggressus sum, ita ebrium, imo submersum 
in dogmatibus papae, ut paratissimus fuerim, omnes, si po- 
tuissem, occidere, aut occidentibus cooperari et consentire, 
qui papas vel una syllaba obedientiam detractarent. Tan- 
tus eram Saulus, ut sunt ad hue multi. Non eram ita gla- 
cies et frigus ipsum in defendendo papatu, sicut fuit Eccius 
et sui similes, qui mihi ferius propter suum ventrem papam 
defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent; imo 
ridere mihi papam adhuc hodie videntur, velut Epicuraei. 
Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter 
timui, et tamen salvus fieri ex intimis medullis cupiebam, 

Ita invenies in istis meis Scriptis prioribus, quam multa 
et magna humilime concesserim papas, quae posterioribus 
et istis temporibus pro sumrna blasphemia et abominatione 
habeo et execror. Dabis ergo hunc errorem, pie lector, 
vel (ut ipsi calumniantur) antilogiam, tempori et imperi- 
tiee meae. Solus primo eram, et certe ad tantas res trac- 
tandas ineptissimus et indoctissimus. Casu enim, non vo- 
luntate nec studio in has turbas incidi, Deum ipsum testor. 

Igitur cum anno M.D.XVII. Indulgentiae in his regio- 
nibus venderentur (promulgarentur volui dicere) turpissimo 
quaestu, ego turn eram concionator juvenis (ut dicitur) 
doctor theologiae, et caepi dissuadere populis, et eos de- 
hortari, ne Indulgentiariorum clamoribus aurem praeberent, 
habere eos meliora quae facerent, et in iis certus mihi vide- 
bar, me habiturum patronum papam, cujus fiducia turn for- 
titer nitebar, qui in suis decretis clarissime damnat quassto- 
rum (ita vocat Indulgentiarios prasdicatores) immodestiam. 

Mox scripsi epistolas duas, alteram ad Moguntinensem 
archiepiscopum Albertum, qui dimidium pecuniae ex In- 
dulgentiis habebat, (alterum dimidium papa, id quod tunc 
nesciebam,) alteram ad ordinarium (ut vocant) loci, epis- 
copum Brandenburgensem Hieronimum ; rogans ut com- 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 353 



pescerent quaestorum impudentiam et blasphemiam; sed 
pauperculus frater condemriabatur. Ego contemptus edidi 
disputationis schedulam simul et Germanicam concionem 
de Indulgentiis, paulo post etiam resolutiones, in quibus 
pro honore papas hoc agebam, ut Indulgentiag non dama- 
rentur quidem, sed bona opera charitatis illis prasferrentur. 

Hoc erat ccelum deturbasse, et mundum incendio con- 
sumpsisse. Accusor apud papam, mittitur citatio mei ad 
Urbem, et consurgit totus papatus in me unicum. Haec 
aguntur M.D.XVIII. sub comitiis Maximiliani Augustas 
celebratis, in quibus agebat legatum a latere pontificis car- 
dinalis Cajetanus, quern dux illustrissimus Saxoniae Frede- 
ricus elector princeps causa mea adiit, et impetravit, ne 
Romam cogerer ire, sed ipse, me vocato, rem cognosceret, 
et componeret — mox soluta sunt comitia. 

Interim quia fessi erant Germani omnes ferendis expila- 
tionibus, nundinationibus, et infinitis imposturis Romanen- 
sium nebulonum, suspensis animis expectabant eventum 
tantae rei, quam nullus antea neque episcopus, neque theo- 
logus ausus esset attingere. Et fovebat me utcunque aura 
ista popularis, quod invisae jam essent omnibus artes et 
Romanationes illae, quibus totum orbem impleverant et fa- 
tigaverant. 

Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam, stipatus sump- 
tibus et Uteris principis Frederici ad Senatum et quosdam 
bonos viros commendatitiis. Triduo eram ibi, antequam 
accederem cardinalem; prohibebant enim viri illi optimi, 
et dissuadebant summis viribus, ne citra salvum conduc- 
tum Caesaris, cardinalem adirem. Licet ille me singulis 
diebus per quendam oratorem vocaret ; erat hie mihi satis 
molestus, ut tantum revocarem, turn essent omnia salva, 
sed longa est injuria, longae ambages. 

Tandem tertio die venit expostulans, " Cur non acce- 
derem cardinalem, qui benignissime me expectaret?" Re- 
spondi mihi obtemperandum esse consiliis optimorum vi- 
rorum, quibus essem a principe Frederico commendatus ; 
esse autum eorum consilium, ne ullo modo, absque tutela 
Caesaris, seu fide publica, cardinalem accederem, qua im- 
petrata (agebant autem illi apud senatum Caesareum, ut 
impetrarent) mox essem accessurus. Hie commotus ille, 
" Quid? (inquit) putas principem Fredericum propter te 
arma sumpturum ?" Dixi: " Hoc nollem prorsus." " Et 
ubi manebis?" Respondi: " Sub coelo." Turn ille: " Si 
tu papam et eardinales in potestate tua haberes, quid esses 

2 Y 



354 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



facturus?" " Omnera," inquam, " reverentiam et hono- 
rem exhibiturus." Turn ille, gestu Italico movens digi- 
tum, dixit; " Hem !" Et sic abiit, neque reversus est. 

Eo die demmciavit senatus Caesareus cardinali mihi esse 
datam Csesaris tutelam, sen fidem publicam, admonens, 
ne quid asperius in me designaret. Hie fertur respondisse : 
" Bene est, ego tamen faciam, quod mei officii fuerit." 
Hsec fuere principia istius turbae; csetera, ex actis infra 
cognosci potuerunt. 

Eodem anno jam M. Philippus Melancthon a principe 
Frederico vocatus hue fuerat ad docendas literas Graecas, 
hand dubie, ut haberem socium laboris in theologia ; nam 
quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum, non in literis 
tantum, sed in theologia, satis testantur ejus opera, etiamsi 
irascatur Satan et omnes squamae ejus. 

Anno sequente XIX. decessit in Februario Maximilianus, 
et factus est jure imperii vicarius dux Fredericus; turn 
desiit paululum sasvire tempestas, et sensim obrepsit con- 
temptus excommunicationis seu fulminis papistici. Nam 
cum Eccius et Carraciolus ex Urbe attulissent bullam dam- 
natricem Lutheri, eamque insinuassent, ille hie, iste illic, 
duci Frederico, qui Coloniae turn erat, Carolum recens 
electum cum aliis principibus suscepturus, indignissime 
tulit et magna fortitudine et constantia objurgabat ponti- 
ficium ilium nebulonem, quod se absente perturbassent 
ipse et Eccius ditiones fratris Johannis et suam, et exagi- 
tabat eos magnifice, ita ut cum rubore et dedecore ab eo 
discederent : intellexit princeps ingenio incredibili prsedi- 
tus; artes Romanae curiae, et eos digne tractare novit, erat 
enim emunctissimae naris, et plus et longius olfaciebat, 
quam Romanenses aut sperare aut timere poterant. 

Itaque deinceps ab eo tentando abstinebant, nam et 
Rosam quam vocant auream, eodem anno, ei a Leone X. 
missam, nullo honore dignatus est, imo pro ridiculo habuit; 
ita desperare coacti sunt Romanistae a studiis fallendi tanti 
principis. Et procedebat feliciter evangelium sub umbra 
istius principis, et late propagabatur, movebat ejus aucto- 
ritas plurimos, qui cum esset sapientissimus, et occulatis- 
simus princeps, non poterat, nisi apud invidos suspicionem 
incurrere, quod haeresin aut haereticos vellet alere et tueri, 
quae res papatui magnum intulit detrimentum. 

Eodem anno habita est disputatio Lipsiae, ad quam Ec- 
cius nos duos, Carlstadium et me provocavit, sed ego nul- 
lis literis potui impetrare fidem a duce Georgio, ita ut non 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 



355 



disputator, sed spectator futuros, sub fide Carlstadio data, 
Lipsiam ingrederer. Quis autem me impediret, ignoro, 
nam adhuc erat dux Georgius mihi non iniquus, quod scie- 
bam certe. 

Hie Eccius me accessit in hospitio dicens, sese audisse 
me detrectare disputationem ; respondi, " Quomodo dis- 
putare potero, cum nequeam impetrare fidem a duce 
Georgiof" Hie, " Si tecum," inquit, "non licet dispu- 
tare, neque cum Carlstadio volo, propter te enim hue veni. 
Quid si ego tibi fidem impetravero ? Nunquid disputabis 
mecum ?" " Impetra" (inquam) " et fiat." Abiit ille, et 
mox data est mihi quoque fides publica, et facta copia dis- 
putandi. 

Faciebat hoc Eccius, quia certam sibi gloriam propo- 
sitam cernebat, propter propositionem meam, in qua ne- 
gabam, papam esse jure divino caput ecclesiae. Hie pa- 
tuit ei campus magnus, et occasio summa plausibiliter 
adulandi, et gratiam pontificis emerendi, turn odio et in- 
vidia me obruendi ; quod strenue fecit per totam disputa- 
tionem. Nec tamen sua firmavit, nec mea confutavit, ita 
ut ipse dux Georgius inter prandendum ad Eccium et me 
diceret : " Sive sit jure humano sive divino, papa ipse est 
papa;" quod verbum, nisi argumentis fuisset motus, ne- 
quaquam dixisset ; sed Eccium solum probasset. 

Atque hie vide, vel in meo casu, quam difficile sit eluc- 
tari et emergere ex erroribus, totius orbis exemplo firmatis, 
et longa consuetudine, velut in naturam mutatis. Quam 
verum est proverbium, " difficile est consueta relinquere," 
et " consuetudo est altera natura," et quam vere dicit Au- 
gustinus ; " consuetudo, si ei non resistitur, fit necessitas." 
Ego, qui jam tunc sacras literas diligentissime privatim et 
publice legeram et docueram, per septem annos, ita ut me- 
moriter pene omnia cenerem, deinde primitias cognitionis 
et fidei Christi hauseram, scilicet, non operibus, sed fide 
Christi nos justos et salvos fieri, denique id, de quo loquor 
papam non esse jure divino caput ecclesiae, jam defende- 
bam publice, tamen id quod consequent erat, non vidi, 
scilicet, papam necessario esse ex diabolo; quod enim ex 
Deo non est, necesse est ex diabolo esse. 

Sic absorptus eram (ut dixi) turn exemplo et titulo 
sanctge ecclesiae, turn consuetudine propria, ut papas con- 
cederem jus humanum, quod tamen, si non sit fultum aucto- 
ritate divina, mendacium et diabolicum est. Nam paren- 
tibus et magistratibus paremus, non quia ipsi praecipiunt^ 



356 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



sed quia sic est voluntas Dei, Pet. 1. ii. Hinc est, quod 
minus iniquo animo ferre possum eos, qui pertinacius in 
papatu haerent, prassertim qui sacra vel etiam prophana 
non legerunt, cum ego tot annis sacra legens diligentissime, 
tamen ita haesi tenaciter. 

Anno M.D.XIX. misit rosam Leo X. (ut dixi) per Ca- 
rolum Miltitium, qui multis egit mecum, ut papa? recon- 
ciliarer. Is habuit 70 Brevia Apostolica, ut si princeps 
Fredericus illi me traderet, sicuti papa per rosam quaere- 
bat, per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me 
perduceret Romam. Prodebat autem coram me consilium 
cordis sui, dicens, " O Martine, ego credebam te esse 
senem aliquem theologum, qui post fornacem sedens, ita 
secum disputasset; nunc video te esse adhuc integrum 
aetate et validum. Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non 
confiderem te posse a me Romam perduci; exploravi enim 
per totum iter animos hominum, quid de te sentirent; ecce, 
ubi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam 
stabant." Illud vero ridiculum erat; exploraverat etiam 
mulierculas et virgines in hospitiis, quidnam de sede Ro- 
mana sentirent ? lllae, ut ignarae hujus vocabuli, et sel- 
lam domesticam cogitantes, respondebant : " Quid nos scire 
possumus, quales vos Romae habeatis sellas ligneas, ne an 
lapideas?" 

Rogabat itaque ut consulerem ea, quae pacis essent, se 
omnem daturum operam, ut papa idem faceret; ego pro- 
lixe quoque promisi omnia, quae ulk> modo salva conscien- 
tia veritatis possem, promptissime essem facturus, me quo- 
que esse pacis cupidum et studiosum, qui per vim tractus 
in has turbas necessitate adactus fecissem omnia, quae feci ; 
culpam non esse meam. 

Vocaverat autem ad se Johannem Tetzelium, praedica- 
torii ordinis, auctorem primarium hujus tragediae, et verbis 
minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus terribilem 
cunctis, et imperterritum clamatorem ut inde contabesceret, 
et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur ; quem ego, ubi 
hoc rescivi, ante obitum Uteris benigniter scriptis consola- 
tus sum, ac jussi animo bono esse, nec mei memoriam me- 
tueret; sed <conscientia et indignatione papae forte occu- 
buit. 

Futilis habebatur Carolus (Miltitius) et futile ejus con- 
silium; sed, meo judicio, si Moguntinus a principio, cum 
a me admoneretur, denique si papa, antequam me non 
auditum damnaret et bullis suis saeviret, hoc cepissent 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 



357 



consilium, quod Carolus cepit, licet sero, et statim com- 
pescuissent Tetzelianum furorem, non evasisset res in tan- 
turn tumultum. Sola culpa est Moguntini, cujus sapientia 
et astutia eum fefellit, qua voluit meam doctrinam compes- 
cere, et suam pecuniam per indulgentias quaesitam, esse 
salvam. Nunc frustra quaeruntur consilia, frustra cogun- 
tur studia. Dominus evigilavit, et stat ad judicandum po- 
pulos; etiam si nos occidere possent non tamen haberent 
quod volunt, imo minus haberent, quam nobis vivis et 
salvis habent. Id quod nonnulli inter eos, qui non omnino 
obesae naris sunt, satis olfaciunt. 

Interim eo anno jam redieram ad Psalterium denuo in- 
terpretandum, fretus eo, quo exercitatior essem, postquam 
S. Pauli epistolas ad Romanos ad Galatas, et earn, quae 
est ad Ebraeos, tractassem in scholis, miro certe ardore 
captus fueram cognoscendi Pauli in epistola ad Romanos. 
Sed obstiterat hactenus, non frigidus circum prascordia 
sanguis, sed unicum vocabulum, quod est Cap. i. " Justitia 
Dei revelatur in illo." Oderam enim vocabulum istud, 
" Justitia Dei," quod usu et consuetudine omnium doc- 
torum, doctus eram philosophice intelligere, de justitia 
(ut vocant) formali seu activa, qua Deus est justus, et pec- 
catores injustosque punit. 

Ego autem, qui me utcunque irreprehensibilis monachus 
vivebam, sentirem coram Deo esse peccatorem inquietis- 
simae conscientiae, nec mea satisfactione placatum confidere 
possem, non amabam, imo odiebam justum et punientem 
peccatores Deum, tacitaque si non blasphemia, certe in- 
genti murmuratione indignabar Deo, dicens: Quasi vero 
non satis sit, miseros peccatores et asternaliter perditos pec- 
cato originali, omni genere calamitatis oppressos esse per 
legem decalogi, nisi Deus per evangelium dolorem dolori 
adderet, et etiam per evangelium nobis justitiam et iram 
suam intentaret. Furebam ita saeva et perturbata con- 
scientia, pulsabam lamen importunus eo loco Paulum, ar^- 
dentissime sitiens scire, quid S. Paulus vellet 

Donee, miserente Deo, meditabundus dies et noctes con- 
nexionem verborum attenderem, nempe, justitia Dei reve- 
latur in illo, sicut scriptum est: "Justus ex fide vi vet." Ibi 
justitiam Dei caspi intelligere earn, qua justus dono Dei 
vivit, nempe ex fide, et esse hanc sententiam, revelari per 
evangelium justitiam Dei, scilicet passivam qua nos Deus 
misericors justificat per fidem, sicut scriptum est: "Justus 
ex fide vivet." Hie me prorsus renatum esse sensi, et 



358 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



apertis portis in ipsam Paradisum intrasse. lbi continue* 
alia mini facies totius Scripturae apparuit. Discurrebam 
deinde per Scripturas, ut habebat memoria, et collige- 
bam etiam in aliis vocabulis analogiam, ut opus Dei, id 
est, quod operatur in nobis Deus, virtus Dei, qua nos po- 
tentes facit, sapientia Dei, qua nos sapientes iacit, forti- 
tudo Dei, salus Dei, gloria Dei. 

Jam quanto odio vocabulum, "justitia Dei," oderam 
ante, tanto amore dulcissimum mini vocabulum extolle- 
bam; ita mihi iste locus Pauli fuit, vere porta Paradisi. 
Postea legebam Augustinum de spiritu et litera, ubi pras- 
ter spem offendi, quod et ipse justitiam Dei similiter inter- 
pretatur, qua nos Deus induit, dum nos justificat. Et 
quanquam imperfecte hoc adhuc sit dictum, ac de impu- 
tatione non clare omnia explicet, placuit tamen, justitiam 
Dei doceri, qua nos justificemur. 

Istis cogitationibus armatior factus, coepi Psalterium se- 
cundo interpretari, et processisset opus in magnum com- 
mentarium, nisi denuo per comitia Caroli V. imperatoris 
Vuormaciam sequenti anno vocatus, opus coeptum deserere 
fuissem coactus. 

Heec ideo narro, optime lector, ut si lecturus es opus- 
cula mea, memor sis, me unum fuisse (ut supra dixi) ex 
illis, qui (ut Augustinus de se scribit) scribendo et docendo 
profecerint ; non ex illis, qui de nihilo repente fiunt sum- 
mi, cum nihil sint, neque operati neque tentati, neque ex- 
perti, sed ad unum intuitum Scriptural totum spiritum ejus 
exhauriunt. 

Hactenus ad annum M.D.XX. et XXI. processit res In- 
dulgentiariae ; post sequuntur res sacramentariae et Ana- 
baptistica3, de quibus in aliis tomis, si vixero, praefandum 
est. 

Vale, lector, in Domino, et ora pro incremento verbi, 
adversus Satauam, quia potens et malus est, nunc etiam 
furentissimus et saevissimus sciens quoniam breve tempus 
habet, et regnum sui papas periclitatur. Confirmet autem 
Deus hoc in nobis, quod operatus est, et perficiat opus 
suum, quod incepit in nobis, ad gloriam suam. Amen. 



V. Martii, Anno M.D.XLV. 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 35a 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE TO THE SECOND 
VOLUME OF LUTHER'S WORKS, 

PUBLISHED AT WITTEMBERG 
IN 1546. 

Philippus Melancthon Pio Lectori, S. D. 

Spem nobis fecerat reverendus vir Martinus Lutherus, 
et curriculum se vitae suae, et certaminum occasiones in prae- 
fatione hujus partis suorum monumentorum narraturum 
esse. Quod fecisset, nisi priusquam officinae typographicae 
hoc volumen absolverunt, autor ex hac mortali vita ad 
aeternam Dei et ecclesiae coelestis consuetudinem evocatus 
esset. Utilis autem esset et privatae ipsius vitae considera- 
tio luculenter scripta — plena enim fuit exemplorum, quae 
ad confirmandam pietatem in bonis mentibus profutura es- 
sent, et occasionum recitatio, quae posteritatem de multis 
rebus commonefacere posset. Deinde et calumnias refuta- 
ret eorum, qui vel incitatura a principibus viris aut aliis, 
ut labefactaret episcoporum dignitatem ; vel privata ipsum 
cupiditate inflammatum servitutis monasticae vincula ru- 
pisse fingunt. 

Haec prodesset ab ipso integre et copiose exposita et 
commemorata esse. Et si enim malevoli vulgare illud ob- 
jecturi erant avrog aikou auXs, tamen et in ipso tantum gra- 
vitatis fuisse scimus, ut optima fide historiam recitaturus 
fuerit. Et multi boni et sapientes viri adhuc vivunt, qui- 
buscum sciret seriem harum rerum notam esse, fuisset ri- 
diculum, aliam historiam, ut fit interdum in poematibus, 
comminisci. Sed quia editionem hujus voluminis fatalis 
ipsius dies antevertit, nos iisdem de rebus ea, quae partim 
ex ipso audivimus, partim ipsi vidimus, bona fide recita- 
turi sumus. 

Vetus familia est, late propagata mediocrium hominum, 
cognomine Luther, in ditione inclytiore comitum Mans- 
feldensium. Parentes vero Martini Lutheri primum in 
oppido Isleben, ubi Martinus Lutherus natus est, domi- 
cilium habuerunt. Deinde migrarunt in oppidum Mans- 



360 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



felt, ubi Pater Joannes Lutherus et magistratus gessit, et 
propter integritatem omnibus bonis viris carrissimus fuit. 

In matre Margarita, conjuge Joannis Lutheri, cum cae- 
terse erant virtutes honestai matronae convenientes, turn 
vero praecipue lucebant pudicitia, timor Dei, et invocatio, 
intuebanturque in earn caeterge honestas mulieres, ut in ex- 
emplar virtutum. Haec mihi aliquoties interroganti de tem- 
pore, quo Alius natus est, respondit, diem et horam se certo 
meminisse, sed de anno dubitare. Adfirmabat autem na- 
tum esse die decimo Novembris, nocte post horam undeci- 
mam, ac nomen Martini attributum infanti quia dies proxi- 
mus, quo infans per baptismum ecclesia? Dei insertus est, 
Martino dicatus fuisset. Sed frater ejus Jacobus, vir ho- 
nestus et integer, opinionem familiae de aetate fratris hanc 
fuisse dicebat, natum esse anno a natali Christi 1483. 

Postquam aelas doctrinae capax fuit, parentes filium 
Martinum ad agnitionem et timorem Dei et ad aliarum 
virtutum officia, domestica institutione, diligenter adsue- 
fecerunt ; et ut est consuetudo honestorum hominum, cu- 
raverunt, ut literas disceret; gestavitque in ludum literari- 
um adhuc parvulum Georgii JEmylii pater, qui cum adhuc 
vivat, testis hujus narrationis esse potest. 

Florebant autem eo tempore scholae grammaticae in 
Saxonicis urbibus mediocriter, quare cum Martinus in- 
gressus esset annum quartumdecimum, una cum Joanne 
Reineck, cujus postea virtus fuit excellens, et virtute parta 
autoritas in his regionibus magna, Magdeburgam missus 
est, fuitque mutua benevolentia inter hos duos, Lutherum 
et Reineckum, semper eximia, seu ab aliquo naturae con- 
sensu, seu ab ilia puerilium studiorum societate orta. Nec 
tamen diutius anno mansit Lutherus Magdeburgae. Deinde 
in schola Isennacensi quadriennio audivit praeceptorem 
rectius et dexterius tradentem grammaticen, quam alibi 
tradebatur ; nam hujus ingenium memini a Luthero laudari. 
In eum autem urbem missus est qua mater in iis locis ho- 
nesta et veteri familia nata fuerat. Hie absolvit grammati- 
cum studium. Cumque et vis ingenii acerrima esset, et 
imprimis ad eloquentiam idonea, celeriter aequalibus suis 
praecurrit, et verbis et copia sermonis in loquendo, et in 
scribenda soluta oratione, et in versibus, caeteros adole- 
scentes, qui una discebant, facile vicit. 

Degustata igitur literarum dulcedine, natura flagrans 
cupiditate discendi appetit academiam, tanquam fontem 
omnium doctrinarum. Et omnes artes ordine percipere 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 361 



tanta vis ingenii potuisset, si, doctores idoneos invenisset, 
et fortassis ad leniendam vehementiara naturae mitiora stu- 
dia verae philosophiae, et cura formandae orationis profuis- 
sent. Sed incidit Erfordiae, in ejus aetatis dialecticen satis 
spinosam, quam cum sagacitate ingenii praeceptionum cau- 
sas et fontes melius quam caeteri, perspiceret, cito arripuit. 
Cumque mens avida doctrinae, plura et meliora requireret, 
legit ipse pleraque veterum Latinorum Scriptorum monu- 
menta, Ciceronis, Virgilii, Liyii, et aliorum. Haec lege- 
bat non ut pueri verba tantum excerpentes, sed ut humanaB 
vitae doctrinam, aut imagines. Quare et consilia horum 
scriptorum et sententias propius aspiciebat, et ut erat me- 
moria fideli et firma, pleraque ei lecta et audita in con- 
spectu et ob oculos erant. Sic igitur in juventute emine- 
bat, ut totee academiae Lutheri ingenium admirationi esset. 

Ornatus igitur gradu magisterii philosophici, cum natus 
esset annum vicesimum, de consilio propinquorum, qui 
hanc tantam vim ingenii, et facundiam judicabant in lu- 
cem et ad rempublicam educendum esse, inchoat juris stu- 
dium. Sed brevi post, cum natus esset annum unum et 
vicesimum, subito praeter parentum et propinquorum opi- 
nionem, venit ad collegium monachorum Augustinianorum 
Erphordise, seque recipi petit. Receptus, jam non solum 
acerrimo studio doctrinam ecclesiae discit, sed etiam sum- 
ma disciplinae severitate se ipse regit et omnibus exercitiis 
lectionum, disputationum, jejuniorum, precum, omnes Ionge 
superat. Erat autem natura, quod saepe miratus sum, in 
corpore nec parvo, nec imbecilli, valde modici cibi et 
potus; vidi continuis quatuor diebus, cum quidem recte 
valeret, prorsus nihil edentem aut bibentem, vidi saepe 
alias multis diebus quotidie exiguo pane et halece conten- 
tum esse. 

Occasio autem fuit ingrediendi illud vitae genus, quod 
pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse conve- 
nientius, haec fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et ut multi norunt. 
Saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis 
pcenarum exemplis subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut 
pene exanimaretur. Ac vidi ipse, cum in quadam doc- 
trinae disputatione propter intentionem consternatus, in 
vicino cubiculo se in lectum collocavit, ubi hanc senten- 
tiam crebro repetitam miscuit invocationibus : " Conclusit 
omnes sub peccatum, ut omnium misereatur." Hos ter- 
rores seu primum, seu acerrimos sensit eo anno, cum so- 
dalem, nescio quo casu interfectum, amisisset. 

2 Z 



362 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



Non igitur paupertas, sed studium pietatis eum in illud 
vitae monasticae genus induxit, in quo etsi doctrinam in 
scholis usitatam quotidie discebat, et sententiarios legebat, 
et in disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextrica- 
biles, diserte multis admirantibus explicabat ; tamen quia 
in eo vitae genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis 
quaerebat, haec studia tanquam parerga tractabat, et facile 
arripiebat illas scholasticas methodos. Interea fontes doc- 
trinas coelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta prophe- 
tica et apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudi- 
ret, et firmis testimonies aleret timorem et fidem. Hoc 
studium ut magis expeteret illis suis doloribus et pavoribus 
movebatur. 

Et senis cujusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano collegio 
Erphordiae saepe se confirmatum esse narrabat, cui cum 
consternationes suas exponeret, audivit eum de fide multa 
disserentem, seque deductum aiebat ad symbolum, in quo 
dicitur: ". Credo remissionem peccatorum." Hunc arti- 
culum sic ille interpretatus erat, non solum in genere cre- 
dendum esse, aliquibus remitti, utet dsemones credunt, Da- 
vidi aut Petro remitti, sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli ho- 
mines nobis remitti peccata credamus. Et hanc interpre- 
tationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstratum- 
que locum in concione de annunciatione, ubi haec sunt 
verba, 44 Sed adde, ut credas et haec quae per ipsum pec- 
cata tibi condonantur. Hoc est testimonium, quod perhi- 
bet Spiritus Sanctus in corde tuo dicens : Dimissa sunt tibi 
peccata tua. Sic enim arbitratur apostolus, gratis justifi- 
cari hominem per fidem." Hac se voce non solum confir- 
matum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum etiam 
de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc dictum, fide 
justificamur. De quo cum multorum expositiones legisset, 
tunc et ex hujus sermonibus et suae mentis consolatione 
animadvertisset interpretationum quae tunc in m ambus erant 
vanitatem. Paulatim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla 
in prophetis et apostolis recitata, et in quotidiana invoca- 
tione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit. 

Tunc et Augustini libros legere ccepit, ubi et in Psalmo- 
rum enarratione, et in libro de spiritu et litera, multas per- 
spicuas sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide 
doctrinam, et consolationem animadvertisse interpreta- 
tionum quae in ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nec tamen 
prorsus relinquit sententiarios. Gabrielem et Cammera- 
censem pene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Dux 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 



363 



Miultumque legit scripta Occam, cujus acumen anteferebat 
Thomae et Scoto. Diligenter et Gersonem legerat, sed 
omnia Augustini monumenta et saepe legerat, et optime 
meminerat. 

Hoc acerrimum studium inchoavit Erphordiae, in cujus 
urbis collegio Augustiniano commoratus est annos quatuor. 

Eo autem tempore, quia reverendus vir Staupicius, qui 
exordia academise Wittebergensis adjuverat, studium theo- 
logicum in recenti academia excitare cupiebat, cum inge- 
nium et eruditionem Lutheri considerasset, traducit eum 
Wittebergam anno 1508, cum jam ageret annum vicesimum 
sextum. Hie inter quotidiana exercitia scholae et concio- 
nura, magis etiam lucere ejus ingenium coepit, cumque 
eum attente audirent viri sapientes, doctor Martinus Mel- 
lerstadius et alii. Saepe dixit Mellerstadius tantam esse 
vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret mutaturum 
esse vulgare doctrinae genus quod tunc in scholis unicum 
tradebatur. 

Hie primum dialecticen et physicen Aristotelis enarravit, 
interea tamen suum illud studium legendi scripta theolo- 
gica non omittens. Post triennium Rom am profectus, 
propter monachorum controversias, cum eodem anno re- 
verses esset, usitato more scholarum, duce Saxoniae elec- 
tore Friderico praebente sumptus, ornatus est gradu doc- 
torum, ut usitate loquimur. Audierat enim concionantem, 
et vim ingenii et nervos orationis ac rerum bonitatem ex- 
po si tar am in concionibus, admiratus fuerat. Et ut quadam 
quasi maturitate judicii videas gradum ei doctori attribu- 
tum esse, scias fuisse eum annum aetatis Lutheri tricesi- 
mum. Ipse narrabat sibi admodum defugienti et recusanti, 
man datum esse a Staupicio, ut hoc gradu ornari se sineret, 
eumque per jocum dixisse, multum negotiorum Deo jam in 
ecclesia fore, ad quae ipsius usurus esset opera. Cui voci 
etsi joco tunc emissa est, tamen eventus respondit, ut multa 
praecedunt mutationes praesagia. 

Postea enarrare epistolam ad Romanis coepit, deinde 
Psalmos. I Lee scripta sic illustravit, ut post longam et 
obscuram noctem, nova doctrinae lux oriri videretur, om- 
nium priorum et prudentum judicio. Hie monstravit legis 
et evangelii discrimen; hie refutavit errorem, qui tunc in 
scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, mereri homines 
remissionem peccatorum propriis operibus, et homines 
coram Deo justos esse disciplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt. 
Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad Filium Dei, 



364 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



et ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nos- 
tra ; ostendit gratis propter Filium Dei remitti peccata, et 
quidem oportere id beneficiiim fide accipi. Illustravit et 
easterns partes doctrinae ecclesiasticae. 

Haec ei exordia rerum optimarum magnam autoritatem 
circumdederunt, presertim cum mores congruerint cum 
oratione docentis, videreturque oratio non in labris nasci, 
sed in pec tore. Hsec vitae admiratio magnas efficit incli- 
nationes in animis auditorum, ut veteres etiam dixerunt 
tf^s^ov, &g eitfsTv, xup»w tol rr\v zyz\ tun to fytiog. Quare postea 
cum quosdam receptas ritus mutaret, honesti viri, qui eum 
norant, minus vehementer adversati sunt eique propter au- 
toritatem, quam et rerum bonarum illustratione et sancti- 
tate morum antea pepererat in iis sententiis adsenserunt, 
quibus magno cum dolore videbant orbem terrarum dis- 
trahi. 

Nec Lutherus tunc in ritibus quidquam mutabat imo te- 
tricus disciplinae custos inter suos erat, nec miscuerat ali- 
quid opinionum horridiorum. Sed illam communem et 
prorsus necessariam doctrinam omnibus magis magisque 
illustrabat, de pcenitentia, de remissione peccatorum, de 
fide, de veris consolationibus in cruce. Hujus doctrinae 
dulcedine pii omnes valde capiebantur, et eruditis gratum 
erat, quasi ex tenebris, carcere, squalore educi Christum, 
prophetas, apostolos, conspici discrimen legis et evangelii 
promissionum legis, et promissionis evangelicae, philoso- 
phiae, et evangelii, quod certe non extabat in Thorn a, 
Scoto, et similibus, justitiae spiritualis et rerum politica- 
rum. Accedebat hue, quod Erasmi scriptis jam invitata 
erant juventutis studia ad Latinas et Grsecae linguae eog- 
nitionem ; quare monstrato jam dulciore genere doctrinae, 
multi bonis et liberis ingeniis praediti abhorrere a barbarica 
et sophistica doctrina monachorum incipiebant. 

Ipse etiam Lutherus Grsecae et Ebraicae lingua? studiis se 
dedere ccepit, ut cognita sermonis proprietate et phrasi, et 
hausta ex fontibus doctrina, dexterius judicare posset. 

In hoc cursu cum esset Lutherus, circumferuntur venales 
Indulgentiae in his regionibus a Tecelio Dominicano impu- 
dentissimo sycophanta, cujus impiis et nefariis concionibus 
irritatus Lutherus, studio pietatis ardens, edidit proposi- 
tiones de Indulgentiis quae in primo tomo monumentorum 
ipsius extant. Et has publice templo, quod arci Witte- 
bergensi contiguum est, affixit pridie festi omnium sancto- 
rum, anno 1517. Hie Tecelius nihil sui dissimilis, ac spe- 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 



365 



rans etiam gratiam se apud Romanum pontificem initurum 
esse, suum senatum convocat, monachos aliquot et theo- 
logos sophistica sua utcunque leviter tinctos, hos compo- 
nere aliquid jubet adversus Lutherum. Ipse interea ne 
esset xwtpou <7rpoo'w'7rou non jam condones, sed fulmina in Lu- 
therum torquet, vociferatur ubique hunc haereticum igni 
perdendum esse, propositiones etiam Lutheri et concionem 
de Indulgentiis publice conjicit in flammas. Hi furores 
Tecelii et ejus satellitum imponunt necessitatem Luthero 
de rebus iisdem copiosius differendi, et tuendae veritatis. 

Haee initia fuerunt hujus controversiae, in qua Lutherus 
nihil adhuc suspicans et aut somnians de futura mutatione 
rituum, ne quidem ipsas Indulgentias prorsus abjiciebat, 
sed tantum moderationem flagitabat. Quare falso eum 
calumniantur, quia plausibili causa exorsum dicunt, ut 
postea mutaret rempublicam, et vel sibi vel aliis potentiam 
quaereret. Ac tantum abest, ut ab aulicis subornatus aut 
incitatus sit, sicut scripsit dux Brunsvuicensis, ut doluerit 
etiam dux Fridericus moveri certamina, longe prospiciens, 
quamque exordium esset de re plausibili, tamen paulatim 
latius vagaturam esse hanc flammam, ut de lite apud Ho- 
merum dicitur : " Parva metu primo, mox sesse attollit in 
auras." 

Cumque unus omnium nostras aetatis principum Frideri- 
cus et tranquillitatis publicae amantissimus fuerit, et mi- 
nime ir\sovsx<rixog, maximeque solitus sit referre consilia ad 
communem salutem orbis terrarum, ut ex multis rebus in- 
telligi potest, nec incitator Lutheri, nec adplausor fuit, 
suumque dolorem saepe significavit, quern assidue circum- 
tulit metuens discordias majores. Sed vir sapiens et non 
tantum prophana judicia sequens quae tenera initia omnium 
mutationum celerrime opprimi jubent, sed etiam norm am 
divinam in consilium adhibens, quae jubet audiri evange- 
lium et vetat agnitae veritati adversari ac blasphemiam 
vocat horribiliter damnatam a Deo, pertinaciam veritati 
adversantem fecit quod multi alii pii et sapientes fecerunt, 
Deo cessit studiose legit ea quae scribebantur, et ea quae 
judicavit vera esse, delere non voluit. 

Scio etiam saepe eum sciscitatum de rebus ipsis erudito- 
rum et sapientum sententias, et in eo conventu, quam in 
urbe Agrippina Coloniae egit Imp. Carolus V. post coro- 
nationem, Erasmum Rotterodamum amanter orasse, ut li- 
bere diceret, num errare Lutherum in iis controversiis ju- 
dicaret, de quibus praecipue disseruisset. Ibi Erasmus 



366 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



plane dixit, recte sentire Lutherum sed lenitatem.se in eo 
desiderare. Qua de re gravissime postea dux Fridericus 
ad Lutherum scribens, valde eura hortatus est, ut styli 
asperitatem moderaretur. 

Constat etiam Lutherum cardinali Cajetano promissu- 
rum fuisse silentium, si adversariis etiam silentium indice- 
retur. Qua ex re perspicue intelligi potest, tunc quidem 
nondum eum decrevisse, alia se deinceps moturum esse 
certamina, sed tranquillitatis cupidum fuisse; sed paulatim 
ad alias materias pertractum esse, undique lacessentibus 
eum indoctis scriptoribus, 

Secutae sunt igitur disputationes de discrimine legum 
divinarum et humanarum, de tetra prophanatione coenae 
Domini, in venditione et adplicatione ejus pro aliis. Hie 
explicanda tota sacrificii ratio fuit, et ostendendus usus 
sacramentorum. Cumque jam audirent homines pii in 
monasteriis, fugienda esse idola, discedere ex impia servi- 
tute ceperunt. 

Addidit igitur Lutherus ad explicationem doctrinal de 
poenitentia, de remissione peccatorum, de fide, de Indul- 
gentiis, deinde et has materias, descrimen legum divina- 
rum et humanarum, et doctrinae de usu coenae Domini, et 
aliorum sacramentorum, et de votis. Et hasc fuerunt prae- 
cipua certamina. Quaestionem de Romani Episcopi po- 
testate Eccius movit, non aliam ob causam, nisi ut accen- 
deret Pontificis et regum odia adversus eum. 

Symbola vera apostolicum, Nicenum et Athanasianum 
purissime retinuit. Deinde in ritibus et traditionibus hu- 
manis quid et cur mutandum sit, satis copiose in multis 
scriptis exponit. Et quid retineri voluerit, et quam formam 
doctrinae et administrationis sacramentorum probaverit, 
liquet ex confessione, quam dux Saxoniae elector Joannes, 
et princeps Philippus landgravius Cattorum, &c. in con- 
ventu Augustano imp. Carolo V. anno 1530, exhibuerunt. 
Liquet idem ex ipsis ecclesiae ritibus in hac urbe, et ex 
doctrina, quam sonat ecclesia nostra, cujus summa in con- 
fessione perspicue comprehensa est. Quod ideo recito, ut 
non solum considerent pii, quos errores taxaverit, quae 
idola sustulerit Lutherus, sed etiam sciant complexum esse 
universam doctrinam ecclesiae necessariam, et puritatem in 
ritibus restituisse, et piis exempla instaurandarum ecclesi- 
arum monstrasse. Ac utile est, posteritatem scire, quid 
probaverit Lutherus. 

Illud commemorare hoc loco nolo, qui primi publke 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 367 



praebuerint u tram que partem c cense Domini, qui primi 
omiserint privatas missas, ubi deserta primum shit monas- 
teria. Nam Lutherus de his materiis ante conventum, qui 
fuit in urbe Vangionum anno 1521, tantum pauca dispu- 
taverat. Ritus non mutavit ipse, sed, eo absente, Caro- 
lostadius, et alii ritus mutarunt. Gumque quaedam tumul- 
tuosius fecisset Carolostadius, rediens Lutherus, quid pro- 
baret aut non probaret, editis suae sententiae perspicuis 
testimoniis, declaravit. \ 

Scimus politicos viros vehementer detestari omnes muta- 
tiones, et fatendum est, discordiis etiam propter justissimas 
causas motis in hac tristi confusione vitae humanae semper 
aliquid mali misceri. Sed tamen in ccclesia necesse est 
anteferri man datum Dei omnibus rebus humanis. JEter- 
nus Pater banc vocem de Filio edidit: " Hie est Filius 
meus dilectus, hunc audite." Et minitatur aeternam iram 
blasphemis, hoc est, iis, qui agnitam veritatem delere co- 
nantur. Quare pium et necessarium fuit Luthero, praeser- 
tim cum ecclesiae Dei doceret, taxare perniciosos errores, 
quos homines Epicurei, etiam nova impudentia cumuia- 
bant, et auditores recte docenti assentiri necesse fuit. Si 
vero mutatio odiosa est, si in discordia multa sunt incom- 
moda, ut esse multa magno cum dolore cernimus, culpa 
est turn illorum, qui initio errores sparserunt, turn horum, 
qui nunc eos diabolico odio tuentur. 

Haec non modo eo commemoro, ut Lutherum et ejus au- 
ditores defendam, sed etiam, ut piae mentes hoc tempore 
et ad posteritatem cogitent, qualis sit et semper fuerit verae 
ecclesiae Dei gubernatio, quomodo Deus sibi voce evan- 
gelii aeternam ecclesiam ex hac massa peccati, hoc est, ex 
magna hominum colluvie excerpat, inter quos Iucet evan- 
gelium, ut scintilla in tenebris. Ut Pharisaeorum tempore 
tamen Zacharias, Elisabet, Maria, et alii multi verae doc- 
trinas custodes fuerunt; ita etiam ante haec tempora multi 
fuerunt, recte invocantes Deum, alii magis, ajii minus 
perspicue tenentes evangelii doctrinam. Talis fuit et ille 
senex, de quo dixi, qui Lutherum conflictantem pavoribus 
saepe erexit, eique aliquo modo monstrator fuit doctrinee 
de fide. Ita, ut servet Deus deinceps in multis lucem evan- 
gelii, ardentibus votis precemur, sicut Esaias pro suis 
auditoribus precatur ; " Obsigna legem in discipulis meis.'* 
Deinde haec commemoratio ostendit fucatas superstitiones 
non esse durabiles, sed evelli divinitus. Haec cum sit causa 
mutationum cavendum est, ne errores in ecclesia doceantur» 



368 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



Sed redeo ad Lutherum, ut initio sine privata cupiditate 
in hanc causam ingressus est, ita etsi fuit ardens et rra- 
cunda, tamen semper sui muneris memor, tantum docendo 
praeliatus est, ac vetuit arma sumi, sapienterque distinxit 
officia toto genere diversa, episcopi docentis ecclesiam 
Dei, et magistratuum, qui gladio coercent certorum loco- 
rum multitudinem. 

Quare cum aliquoties diabolus, qui scandalis dissipare 
ecclesiam et contumelia Deum adficere studet, et ut est 
iieiyaigi xaxos, voluptatem capit ex hominum miserorum er- 
roribus et exitio, imiammasset seditiosa ingenia ad exci- 
tandos tumultus, ut monetarium et similes, acerrime illos 
furores damnavit, et dignitatem ac vincula omnia politici 
ordinis non solum ornavit, sed etiam munivit. Cum au- 
tem apud me cogito, quam multi magni viri in ecclesia 
saepe in hac re hallucinati sint, plane statuo, non sola hu- 
mana diligentia, sed etiam divina luce pectus ejus guber- 
natum esse, ut intra sui muneris metas tarn constanter 
manserit. 

Execrabatur igitur non solum hujus aetas seditiosos doc- 
tores, monetarium et anabaptistas, sed etiam eos episcopos 
urbis Romae, qui audacissime impudentissimeque decretis 
conditis adfirmarunt, Petro non tantum evangelii docendi 
munus mandatum esse, sed etiam imperia politica tradita 
esse. 

Denique erat hortator omnibus, ut quae Dei sunt Deo 
darent, qua? Caesaris, Caesari ; id. est, ut vera poenitentia, 
verae doctrinae agnitione et propagatione, vera invocatione, 
et bonae conscientiae officiis Deum colerent, suae vero poli- 
tiae quisque in omnibus civilibus officiis reverenter propter 
Deum obtemperaret. Ac talis quidem Lutherus ipse fuit; 
quae Dei sunt, Deo dedit, recte docuit, Deum recte invo- 
cavit; habuit et alias virtutes necessarias in homine, qui 
placet Deo. Deinde in politica consuetudine constantissime 
vitavit omnia seditiosa consilia. Has virtutes tanta esse 
judico decora, ut alia majora in hac vita expeti non pos- 
sint. 

Et quanquam ipsius viri virtus etiam laude digna est, 
qui Dei donis reverenter usus est, tamen praecipue Deo 
gratias agi necesse est, qui per eum restituit nobis evan- 
gelii lucem, et ipsius doctrinae memoria retinenda et pro- 
paganda est. Nec moveor clamoribus Epicureorum aut 
Hypocritarum, qui aut rident, aut damnant manifestam 
veritatem, sed vere statuo consensum perpetuum esse Ca~ 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 369 



tholicae ecclesiae Dei hanc ipsam doctrinae vocem, quae so- 
nat in ecclesiis nostris, et hujus doctrinae agnitione neces- 
sario regendam esse invocationem et vitam. Denique 
hanc ipsam esse doctrinam, de qua Filius Dei inquit : " Si 
quis diligit me, sermonem meum servabit, et pater meus 
diliget eum et veniemus ad eum, et mansionem apud eum 
faciemus." Loquor enim de summa doctrinae, ut in eccle- 
siis nostris a piis et eruditis intelligitur et explicatur. Nam 
etiamsi alii magis, alii minus proprie, et concinne inter- 
dum aliquid explicant, aut alius alio horridius interdum 
loquitur, tamen de rebus in summa inter pios et eruditos 
consensus est. 

Ac mihi saepe multumque cogitanti de omnium tempo- 
rum doctrina, inde usque ab apostolis post primam purita- 
tem secutae videntur mutationes doctrinae insignes quatuor. 
Origenica aetas, et si aliqui fuerunt recte sentientes, qualem 
fuisse methodium arbitror, qui deliramenta Origenis im- 
probavit, tamen in animis multitudinis inflexit evangelium 
ad philosophiam ; hoc est, offudit hanc persuasionem, me- 
diocrem rationis disciplinam mereri remissionem peccato- 
rum, et esse justitiam, de qua diceretur ; " Justus ex fide 
sua vivet." Haec aetas pene amisit totum discrimen legk 
et evangelii, et sermonem apostolicum dedidicit. Non 
enim retinuit nativam significationem vocabulorum, literae, 
spiritus, justitiae, fidei. Et amissa verborum proprietate, 
quae rerum notae sunt, alias confingi res necesse est. Ex 
his seminibus ortus est Pelagii error, qui late vagatus est. 
Itaque cum apostoli puram doctrinam seu limpid os et sa- 
luberrimos fontes ecclesiae dedissent, multum infudit coani 
Origenis. 

Hujus aetatis errores ut emendarentur, saltern aliqua ex 
parte, Augustinum Deus excitavit; hie mediocriter fontes 
repurgavit, nec dubito si hie judex esset controversiarum 
hujus aetatis, habituros nos eum prorsus o/jw^pov. Certe 
de remissione gratuita, de justitia fidei, de usu sacramen- 
torum, de adiaphoris expresse nobiscum sentit. Etsi autem 
alibi magis, alibi minus diserte seu proprie exponit quod 
vult, tamen si lector candorem et dexteritatem in judi- 
cando ad eum adferret, sentire eum nobiscum agnoscet. 
Quod enim adversarii nostri interdum sententias ex eo de- 
cerptas, contra noscitant, et ad patres magno clamore pro- 
vocant, id non faciunt veritatis et antiquitatis studio, sed } 
sycophantia praesentibus idolis, autoritatem veterum prae- 

3 A 



370 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



tereunt, quibus haec idola postremae aetatis adhuc ignota 
erant. 

Sed semina superstitionum tamen in ilia patrum aetate 
exstitisse adparet. Ideo et de votis quaedam constituit 
Augustinus, etsi de his quoque minus horride loquitur quam 
caeteri. Semper autem aliquid ineptiarum singulis etiam 
bonis aspergunt contagia suae aetatis, quia ut patriae, ita 
praesentibus ritibus favemus, quibus innutriti sumus, veris- 
simumque illud est Euripidis, km tfuvgo<pov yXvxv. Utinam 
vero omnes, qui Augustinum sequi sejactitant, perpetuam 
sententiam, et ut ita dicam, pectus Augustini referrent, non 
tantum mutila dicta calumniose detorquerent ad suas opi- 
niones. 

Ac restituta lux Augustini scriptis posteritati profuit; 
nam deinde Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, et aliqui similes, 
qui studia gubernarunt, usque ad Bernardi aetatem, pro- 
pemodum Augustini normam sequuntur. Interea tamen 
crescentibus imperiis et opibus episcoporum, secuta est 
velut gigantum aetas; prophani homines et indocti regna- 
runt in Ecclesia, quorum aliqui aulse Romanae artibus aut 
forensi doctrina exculti fuerunt. Exorti sunt igitur Domi- 
nicani et Franciscani, qui cum viderent luxum et opes epis- 
coporum, et prophanos mores detestarentur, modestiorem 
vitam instituerunt, seque quasi disciplinae carceribus in- 
cluserunt. Sed primum inscitia superstitiones auxit, deinde 
cum viderent hominum studia in scholis ad solam forensem 
doctrinam converti, qua Rornee jam lites multis augerent 
autoritatem et opes, ipsi . revocare homines ad theologica 
studia conati sunt, sed consilium defuit. Albertus et si- 
miles, qui dediti fuerunt Aristotelis doctrinae, transformare 
ecclesiae doctrinam in philosophiam cceperunt. Et haec 
quarta aetas, noil tantum ccenum, sed insuper venena, id 
est, opiniones probantes manifesta idola in fontes evange- 
licos infudit. Tantum labyrinthorum et falsarum opinio- 
num est in Thoma, Scoto, et similibus, ut semper saniores 
Theologi desideraverint aliud genus doctrinae planius et 
purius. 

Nec sine insigni impudentia dici potest, non fuisse opus 
ejus doctrinae mutatione, cum manifestum sit magnam 
partem sophismatum in illis disputationibus ne ab iis qui- 
dem intelligi, qui in eo doctrinae genere consenuerunt. 
Deinde aperte confirmantur hSuXo^aviai, ubi docent appli- 
cationes sacrificii ex opere operato, ubi statuarum invo- 



MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 371 



cationes excusant, ubi negant gratis remitti peccata fide, 
ubiex ceremoniis humanis carnificinam faciunt conscientia- 
rum, denique multa sunt alia magis tetra et dvtfcpwa, quae 
cogitans toto corpore cohorresco. 

Gratias igitur agamus Deo aeterno, patri Domini nostri 
Jesu Christi, qui Martini Lutheri ministerio ex fontibus 
evangelicis rursus ejici coenum et venena voluit, et ecele- 
siae puram doctrinam restituit, qua de re cogitantes omnes 
pios toto orbe terrarum conjungere vota et gemitus decet, 
ac petere ardentibus pectoribus, ut Deus confirmet hoc 
quod operatus est in nobis, propter templum sanctum suum. 
Tua est haec vox et promissio, vere et vere Deus, aeterne 
Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi, conditor omnium rerum 
et ecclesia?, " Propter nomen meura miserebor vestri, prop- 
ter me faciam, ut non blasphemer." Te oro toto pectore, 
ut propter gloriam tuam et Filii tui semper tibi inter nos 
quoque ecclesiam aeteriiam voce Evangelii tui colligas, et 
propter Filium tuum, Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum 
crucifixum pro nobis et resuscitatum, precamur nostra pec- 
tora Spiritu sancto regas, ut te vere invocemus, et officia 
tibi placentia praestemus. Rege etiam studia doctrinae, et 
guberna ac serva has politias et earum disciplinam, quae 
sunt hospitia tuae ecclesiae et studiorum. Cum ideo genus 
humanum condideris, ut ab hominibus agnoscaris et invo- 
ceris, quare et illustribus testimoniis te patefecisti non 
sinas deleri haec agmina, in quibus doctrina tua sonat. 
Cumque Filius tuus Dominus noster Jesus Christus adi- 
turus agonem suum precatus sit pro nobis; " Pater, sanc- 
tifica eos in veritate ; sermo tuus est Veritas." Ad hujus 
nostri sacerdotis precationem, nostra vota adjungimus et 
petimus una cum ipso, ut tua doctrina semper luceat in 
genere humano, et nos gubernet. Haec quotidie precan- 
tem et Lutherum audiebamus, et inter haec vota anima ejus 
ex mortali corpore placide evocata est, cum jam ageret an- 
num sexagesimum tertium. 

Habet posteritas multa monumenta et doctrina? et pietatis 
ipsius. Edidit scripta didatfxaXixa, in quibus doctrinam 
complexus est salutarem et necessariam hominibus, erudi- 
entem bonas mentes de poenitentia, fide, et veris fructibus 
fidci, de usu sacramentorum, de discrimine legis et evan- 
gelii, de discrimine evangelii et philosophiae, de dignitate 
politici ordinis, denique de praecipuis articulis doctrinae, 
quam in ecclesia extare necesse est. Deinde addidit 
iXsyxrixa, in quibus refutavit multos errores perniciosos 



372 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



hominibus. Edidit et i^y^Tim, id est, enarrationes plu- 
rimas in prophetica et apostolica scripta, quo in genere 
etiam inimici fatentur eura superare omnium enarrationes 
qua? extant. 

Haec merita esse magna, omnes piae mentes intelligunt. 
Sed profecto utilitate et labore aequat haec opera, interpre- 
tatio veteris et novi Testamenti, in qua tanta est perspicui- 
tas, ut vice commentarii esse possit ipsa Germanica lectio ; 
qua? tamen non est nuda, sed habet adjunctas eruditissimas 
annotationes, et singularum partium argumenta, quae et 
summam doctrinae ccelestis monstrant, et de genere ser- 
monis erudiunt lectorem, ut ex ipsis fontibus bonae mentis 
firma testimonia doctrinas sumere possint. Volebat enim 
Lutherus non detinere in suis scriptis, sed ad fontes dedu- 
cere omnium mentes. Ipsam vocem Dei audire nos voluit, 
hac voluit in multis accendi veram fidem et invocationem, 
ut Deus vere celebraretur, et multi fierint haeredes vita? 
aeternae. 

Hanc voluntatem et hos tantos labores et grata mente 
praedicare decet, et exempli causa meminisse, ut nos quo- 
que pro suo quisque modo ornare ecclesiam studeat. Nam 
ad hos duos fines praecipue tota vita, et omnia vitae studia 
et consilia referenda sunt ; primum ut Dei gloriam illus- 
tremus; deinde, ut ecclesiae prosimus. De quorum altero 
dicit Paulus, " Omnia ad gloriam Dei facite:" De altero 
Psalmus cxxn. " Rogate quae ad pacem sunt Jerusalem." 
Et additur dulcissima promissio in eodem versu, " Eos, 
qui diligunt ecclesiam, felices et beatos fore." Hasc cce- 
lestia mandata et hae promissiones invitent omnes, ut ec- 
clesiae doctrinam recte discant, ament ministros evangelii, 
et salutares doctores, et conferant studium et operam ad 
verae doctrinae propagationem, et ad verse ecclesiae con- 
cordiam tuendam. Bene vale Lector, Wittebergae, Ca- 
lendis Junii. 



Anno M.D.XLVI. 



CHARACTER OF LUTHER. 



STS 



OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF 
LUTHER, BY CAMERARIUS, 

IN HIS LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 

Erat Martini Luteri ingenium acre et sagax, erat animus 
ingens et excelsus. Nunquam enim in timiditate et socor- 
dia, vel etiam fortitudine et solertia mediocri, ea, quse agit, 
susciperentur. Excellentes autem homines sicubi incur- 
runt, non fieri id sine quasi fragore quodam potest. Sane 
lubricum esse hoc loco veluti iter expositionis video. Nam 
apud quosdam Martini Luteri nomen adeo odiosum est, ut 
auditum execrentur; contra nonnulli in illius dictis aut fac- 
tis aliquid argui omnino pati nequeant, et si quis hoc fa- 
cere audeat, eum statim impietatis reum declamitando pe- 
ragunt. Ego, quae comperi et vera esse scio ea corn- 
memoranda duxi, neque invidiam veritus neque gratiam 
aucupatus. Qui quidem Martini Luteri auctoritatem et 
nomen ita celebrant, ut supra conditionem et modum ge- 
neris humani non dubitent extollere, iis videndum, ne prae- 
stantissimi atque summi viri bonam existimationem tribu- 
endo nimium diminuere, et suae audaciae ab ilia excellentia 
praesidium qu83rere videantur. At isti insectatores, qui non 
modo omnia scripta illius damnant ut impia et turbulenta, 
sed nomen etiam auditum tanquam ominis mali detestantur, 
nunc etiam si quid cordis haberent poterant reminiscendo 
considerare, quid acerbitate odii et contumacia pervica- 
ciaque adversandi et clamoribus vesanis effectum sit. Quo- 
rum enim vulnera sanandi causa attrectantur, eos cla- 
mando et obnitendo sibi ipsis nocere constat. Possitque 
his narrari iEsopica apud Aristophanem fabula : 

iEsopus a coena redibat vesperi, 
Hunc allatrabat improba et petulans canis. 
At ille ad hanc con versus, O Canis, 
Hac si repressa, ait, lingua tua mala, 
Panes coemeres, cor tibi esse crederem. 

Et isti, si quanta inopia laborarent eorum, quibus reli- 
giosam pietatem abundare necesse est, revocarent ad ani- 



374 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



mum suum, sique eis curae esset, ut sibi ac aliis ea copia 
pararetur, quam requirit vitae salutisque conservatio, sa- 
perent profecto et rebus communibus ac privatis consule- 
rent rectius. Sed (incidit enim aetas nostra in fatalis cu- 
jusdam conversionis quasi articulum, cum neque admoni- 
tiones quicquam proficiant, et querelis inanibus dolor 
tantum augeatur) orationem nostram ab instituta narra- 
tione recedentem non sinemus excurrere longius. Et de 
his rebus silentes, una cum caeteris eventus et ipsos fatales, 
ut mulierculae apud JEschylum se facturas aiunt, perfere- 
mus. Martinus Luterus, quo tempore diximus, mortem 
obiit, praesente infractoque animo et constante in sanctitate 
religiosae pietatis, reliquitque et suis et alienis desiderium 
sui ingens, quamvis aetate gravi decessisset (nam annum 
omnino LXIII. vivendo eum confecisse compertum puta- 
tur), qui lugentes et ita tunc exequias funeris conhonestan- 
das curaverunt, ut his memoria nominis ipsius quam stu- 
diosissime et officiosissime celebraretur, et magnitudinem 
doloris sui gemitibus et lacrimis testati sunt. In quibus 
Philippi Melancthonis studia atque officia eximiae caritatis 
facile eminuerunt. 



BULLA LEONIS X. 1520. 

The following extract from this celebrated document con- 
tains the Preamble, and the substance of the Charges 
against Luther : 

Leo Episcopus, Servns servorum Dei. Ad perpetuam 
rei memoriam. Exsurge Domine, et judica causam tuam; 
memor esto improperiorum tuorum, eorum quae ab insipien- 
tibus fiunt tota die. Inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, 
quoniam surrexerunt vulpes quaerentes demolire vineam, 
cujus tu torcular calcasti solus, et ascensurus ad Patrem, 
ejus curam, regimen et administrationem Petro tanquam 
Capiti, et tuo Vicario, ejusque successoribus, instar tri- 
umph antis ecclesiae, commisisti, exterminare nititur — earn 
aper de silva, et singularis ferus depascitur earn. 

Exsurge Petre, et pro pastorali cura praefata (ut pras- 



BULLA LE0N1S X. 



375 



fertur, tibi divinitus demandata, intende in causam sanctas 
Rom. ecclesiae matris omnium ecclesiarum, ac fidei ma- 
gistrae, quam tu, jubente Deo, tuo sanguine consecrasti. 
Contra quam, sicut tu praemonere dignatus es, insurgunt 
magistri mendaces, introducentes sectas perditionis sibi ce- 
lerem interitum superducentes, quorum lingua ignis est, 
inquietum malum plena veneno mortifero, qui zelum arna- 
rum habentes, et contentiones in cordibus suis gloriantur, 
et mendaces sunt adversus veritatem. 

Exsurge tu quoque, quaesumus, Paule, qui earn tua doc- 
trina, ac pari martyrio illuminasti atque illustrasti. Jam 
enim surgit novus Porphyrius, qui sicut ille olim sanctos 
Apostolos injuste momordit, ita hie sanctos Pontifices prae- 
decessores nostros, contra tuam doctrinam eos non obse- 
crando, sed increpando mordere, lacerare, ac ubi causae 
suae diffidit ad convicia accedere non veretur, more haere- 
ticorum, quorum (ut inquit Hierouymus) ultimum praesi- 
dium est, ut cum conspiciant causas suas damnatum iri, 
incipiant virus serpentis lingua diffundere, et cum se victos 
conspiciant ad contumelias prosilire. Nam licet hagreses 
esse ad exercitationem fidelium, tu dixeris oportere, eas 
tamen ne incrementum accipiant, neve vulpeculae coales- 
cant, in ipso ortu, te intercedente et adjuvante, extingui 
necesse est. 

Exsurgat denique omni sanctorum ac reliqua universalis 
ecclesia, cujus vera sacrarum literarum interpretatione 
posthabita, quidam quorum mentem pater mendacii exece- 
cavit, ex veteri haereticorum instituto, apud semetipsos sa- 
pientes, scripturas easdem aliter quam Spiritus Sanctus 
flagitet, proprio duntaxat sensu, ambitionis, auraeque po- 
pularis causa (teste Apostolo) interpretantur, imo vero tor- 
quent, et adulterant, ita ut, juxta Hieronymum, jam non 
sit Evangelium Christi, sed hominis, aut quod pejus est, 
diaboli. Exsurgat, inquam, praefata sancta ecclesia Dei, 
et una cum beatissimis apostolis praefatis apud Deum omni- 
potentem intercedat, ut purgatis ovium suarum erroribus, 
eliminatisque a fidelium finibus haeresibus universis eccle- 
siae suae sanctae pacem et unitatem conservare dignetur. 

Dudum siquidem, quod prae animi angustia et moerore 
exprimere vix possumus, fide dignorum relatu, ac fama 
publica referente, ad nostrum pervenit auditum, imo vero, 
proh dolor, oculis nostris vidimus, ac legimus, multos ac 
varios errores, quosdam videlicet jam per concilia, ac prae- 
decessorum nostrorum constitutiones damnatos, haeresim 



376 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



etiam Graecorum et Bohemicam expresse continentes, alios 
vero respective vel haereticos, vel falsos, vel scandalosos, 
vel piarum aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium se- 
ductivos, a falsis fidei cultoribus, qui per superbam curiosi- 
tatem, mundi gloriam cupientes, contra apostoli doctrinam, 
plus sapere volunt quam oporteat, quorum garrulitas (ut 
inquit Hieronymus) sine Scripturarum auctoritate non ha- 
bere fidem, nisi viderentur perversara doctrinam, etiam 
divinis testimonies, male tamen interpretatis, roborare. A 
quorum oculis Dei timor recessit, humani generis hoste 
suggerente, noviter suscitatos, te nuper apud quosdam le- 
viores in inclyta natione Germanica seminatos. Quod eo 
magis dolemus ibi evenisse, quod eandem nationem et nos 
et praedecessores nostri in visceribus semper gesserimus 
charitatis ; nam post translatum ex Graecis a Rom. ecclesia 
in eosdem Germanos Imperium, iidem praedecessores nos- 
tri et nos, ejusdem ecclesia advocatos defensoresque ex eis 
semper accepimus. Quos quidem Germanos, catholicae 
veritatis vere Germanos, constat haeresium acerrimos op-* 
pugnatores semper fuisse. Cujus rei testes sunt laudabiles 
illae constitutiones Germanorum Imperatorum pro libertate 
ecclesiae, proque expellendis exterminandisque ex omni 
Germania haereticis sub gravissimis pcenis, etiam amissionis 
terrarum et dominorum, contra receptatores, vel non ex- 
pellentes, olim editae et a nostris praedecessoribus confir- 
matae, quae si hodie servarentur, et nos et ipsi utique hac 
molestia careremus. Testis est in Concilio Constantiensi 
Hussitarum ac Vinclevistarum, nec non Hieronymi Pra- 
gensis damnata ac punita perfidia. Testis est toties contra 
Bohemos Germanorum sanguis effusus. Testis denique 
est praedictorum errorum, seu multorum ex eis, per Colo- 
niensem et Lovaniensem Universitates, utpote agri Domi- 
nici piissimas, religiosissimasque cultrices, non minus docta 
quam vera ac sancta confutatio, reprobatio, et damnatio ; 
multa quoque alia allegare possemus, quae, ne historiam 
texere videamur, praemittenda censuimus. 

Pro pastoralis igitur officii divina gratia nobis injuncti 
cura, quam gerimus, praedictorum errorum virus pestife- 
rum ulterius tolerare, seu dissimulare, sine Christianae re- 
ligionis nota, atque orthodoxae fidei injuria nullo modo 
possumus. Eorum autem errorum aliquos praesentibus 
duximus inserendos, quorum tenor sequitur et est taJis. 
1. Haeretica sententia est, sed usitata, " Sacramenta novae 
legis justificantem gratiam illis dare, qui non ponunt obi- 



BULLA LEONIS X. 377 

©em." 2. In puero post baptismum negare remanens pec- 
catum, est Paulum et Christum simul conculcare. 3. 
Fomes peccati etiam si nullum adsit actuale peccatum, mo- 
ratur exeuntem a corpore animam ab ingressu cceli. 4. 
Imperfecta charitas morituri fert secum necessario mag- 
num timorem, qui se solo satis est facere poenam purga- 
torii, et impedit introitum regni. 5. Tres esse partes 
poenitentiae, contritionem, confessionem, et satisfactionem, 
non est fundatum in Scriptura, nec in antiquis Sanctis, 
Christianis doctoribus. 6. Contritio quae paratur per dis- 
cussionem, collectionem, et detestationem peccatorum, qua 
quis recogitat annos suos in amaritudine animas suae, pon- 
derando peccatorum gravitatem, multitudinem, foeditatem, 
amissionem aeternae beatitudinis, ac aeternae damnationis 
acquisitionem, haec contritio facit hypocritum, imo magis 
peccatorem. 7. Verissimum est proverbium, et omnium 
doctrina de contritionibus hucusque data praestantius, de 
caetero non facere, summa poenitentia, optima pcenitentia, 
nova vita. 8. Nullo modo praesumus confiteri peccata ve- 
nalia, sed nec omnia mortalia, quia impossibile est, ut 
omnia mortalia cognoscas. Unde in primitiva ecclesia 
solum manifesta mortalia confitebantur. Callide decerp- 
tum hoc, ut multa alia. 9. Dum volumus omnia pure con- 
fiteri, nihil aliud facimus, quam quod misericordia Dei ni- 
hil volumus relinquere ignoscendum. 10. Peccata non 
sunt ulli remissa, nisi remittente sacerdote credat sibi re- 
mitti, imo peccatum maneret, nisi remissum crederet ; non 
enim sufficit remissio peccati, et gratiae donatio, sed opor- 
tet etiam credere esse remissum. 11. Nullo modo confidas 
absolvi propter tuam contritionem, sed propter verbum 
Christi, " Quodcunque solveris," he. Hie, inquam, con- 
fide, si sacerdotis obtinueris absolutionem, et crede fortiter 
te absolutum et absolutus es, quidquid sit de contritione. 
12. Si per impossibile confessus non esset contritus, aut 
sacerdos non serio, sed joco absolveret, si tamen credat se 
absolutum, verissime est absolutus. 13. In sacramento 
pcenitentiae, ac remissione culpa?, non plus facit papa, 
episcopus, quam infimus sacerdos, imo ubi non est sacer- 
dos, seque tantum quilibet Christianus, etiamsi mulier aut 
puer esset. 14. Nullus debet sacerdoti respondere, seesse 
eontritum, nec sacerdos requirere. 15. Magnus est error 
eorum, qui ad sacramentum Eucharistiae accedunt huic 
innixi, quia sint confessi, quod non sint sibi conscii alicu- 
jus peccati mortalis, quod prsemiserint orationes suas et 

3B 



378 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



prasparatoria, omnes illi ad judicium sibi manducant et 
bibunt. Sed si credant et confidant se gratiam ibi conse- 
cuturos, hasc sola fides facit eos puros et dignos. 16, 
Consultum videtur, quod ecciesia in communi concilio sta- 
tueret, Laicos sub utraque specie communicandos, nec Bo- 
hemi communicantes sub utraque specie sunt hasretici, sed 
schismatici. 17. Thesauri ecclesias, unde papa dat Indul- 
gentias, non sunt merita Christi et Sanctorum. 18. Indul- 
gentiae sunt pias fraudes fidelium, et remissiones bonorum 
operum, et sunt de numero eorum quse licent, et non de 
numero eorum quae expediunt. Vah, qui destruis Servi 
servorum mercatum, illud singulare uberrimi lucri for- 
mamentum, ferte cito flammas. 19. Indulgentiae iis qui 
veraciter eas consequuntur, non valent ad remissionem 
pcenae pro peccatis actualibus debitse apud divinam jus- 
titiam. 20. Seducuntur credentes, Indulgentias esse sa- 
lutares, et ad fructum spiritus utiles. 21. Indulgentias 
necessarian sunt solum publicis criminibus, et proprie 
concedunt duris solummodo et impatientibus. 22. Sex 
generibus hominum Indulgentiae nec sunt necessariae, nec 
utiles videlicet, mortuis seu morituris, infirmis, legitime 
impeditis, his qui non commiserunt crimina, his qui cri- 
mina commiserunt sed non publica, his qui meliora ope- 
rantur. 23. Ex communicationes sunt tantum externas 
pcenae, nec privant hominem communibus spiritualibus ec- 
clesiae orationibus. 24. Docendi sunt Christiani plus dili- 
gere excommunicationem, quam timere. 25. Romanus 
pontifex Petri successor, non est Christi vicarius, super 
omnes totius mundi ecclesias ab ipso Christo in B. Petro 
institutus. 26. Verbum Christi, " Quodcunque solveris 
super terram," &c. extenditur duntaxat ad ligata ab ipso 
Petro. 27. Certum est, in manu ecclesias aut papse pror- 
sus non esse, statuere articulos fidei, imo nec leges mo- 
rum, seu bonorum operum. Si papa cum magna parte 
ecclesias sic vel sic sentiret, nec etiam erraret, adhuc non 
est peccatum aut haeresis contrarium sentire prassertim in 
re non necessaria ad salutem, donee fuerit per concilium 
universale alterum reprobatum, alterum approbatum. 29. 
Via nobis facta est enarrandi auctoritatem conciliorum, et 
libere contradicendi eorum gestis, et judicandi eorum de- 
creta, et confidenter confidendi quidquid verum videtur, 
sive probatum fuerit, sive reprobatum a quocunque con- 
cilio. 30. Aliqui articuli Johannis Huss condemnati in 
concilio Constan. sunt Christianissimi, verissimi, et evan- 



BULLA LEONIS X. 



379 



gelici, quos nec universalis ecclesia posset damnare. 31. 
In omni opere bono justus peccat. 32. Opus bonum, op- 
time factum, est veniale peccatum. 33. Haereticos com- 
buri, est contra voluntatem spiritus. 34. Praeliari adver- 
sus Turcas, est repugnare Deo visitanti iniquitates nostras. 
35. Nemo est certus se non semper peccare mortaliter 
propter occultissimum superbias vitium. 36. Liberum ar- 
biirium post peccatum est res de solo titulo, et dum facit 
quod in se est, peccat mortaliter. 37. Purgatorium non 
potest probari ex sacra Scriptura, quae sit in canone. 38. 
Animas in purgatorio non sunt securae de eorum salute, sal- 
tern oranes; nec probatum est ullis aut rationibus aut Scrip- 
turis, ipsas esse extra statum merendae, aut augendse cha- 
ritatis. 39. Animas in purgatorio peccant sine intermis- 
sione, quamdiu quaerunt requiem, et horrent pcenas. 40. 
Animae ex purgatorio liberates sunragiis viventium, minus 
beantur, quam si per se satisfecissent. 41. Praelati, eccle- 
siastici, et principes seculares non malefacerent, si omnes 
saccos mendicitatis delerent. 

Qui quidem errores respective quam sint pestiferi, quam 
scandalosi, quam piarum et simplicium mentium seductivi, 
quam denique sint contra omnem charitatem ac S. Rom. 
ecclesiae matris omnium fidelium et magistras fidei reveren- 
tiam, atque nervum ecclesiasticae disciplinae, obedientiam 
scilicet, quae fons est et origo omnium virtutum sine qua 
facile unnsquisque infidelis esse convincitur, nemo sanae 
mentis ignorat. 

Nos igitur in prsemissis utpote gravissimis, propensius 
(ut decet) procedere, nec non hujusmodi pesti, morboque 
canceroso, ne in agro dominico tanquam vepres nociva, 
ulterius serpat, viam praecludere cupientes, habita super 
praedictis erroribus et eorum singulis diligenti trutinatione, 
discussione, ac districto examine, maturaque deliberatione, 
omnibusque rite pensatis, ac saepius ventilatis cum vene- 
rabilibus fratribus nostris, sanctas Rom. ecclesiae cardina- 
libus, ac regularium ordinum prioribus, seu ministris ge- 
neralibus pluribusque aliis sacrae Theologiae, nec non 
utriusque juris professoribus, sive magistris, et quidem 
peritissimis, reperimus eosdem errores respective (ut prae- 
fertur) aut articulos non esse catholicos nec tanquam tales 
esse dogmatizandos, sed contra catholicae ecclesiae doctri- 
nam, sive traditionem, tanquam adeo veram divinarum 
Scripturarum receptam interpretationem, cujus auctoritati 
ita acquiescendum censuit AugustiniiSj ut dixerit, se evan- 



386 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



gelio non fuisse crediturum, nisi ecclesise catholicae inter- 
venisset auctoritas. Nam ex eisdem erroribus, vel eorum 
aliquo, vel aliquid palam sequitur, eandem ecclesiam quae 
Spiritu Sancto regitur err are et semper errasse. Quod est 
utique contra illud quod Christus discipulis suis in ascen- 
sione sua (ut in sancto evan gelio Matth. legitur) promisit, 
dicens : " Ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem 
seculi." Necnon contra sanctorum patrum determina- 
tiones consiliorum quoque et summorum pontificium ex- 
pressas ordinationes seu canones, quibus non obtemperasse, 
omnium haeresium et schismatum teste Cypriano, fomes et 
causa semper fuit. 

De eorundem itaque venerabilinm fratrum nostrorum 
consilio et assensu, ac omnium et singulorum praedicto- 
rum matura deliberatione praedicta auctoritate omnipoten- 
tis Dei, et beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et nos- 
tra, prapfatos et singulos articulos seu errores tanquam (ut 
praemittitur) respective haereticos aut scandalosos, aut fal- 
sos, aut piarum aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium 
seductivos, et veritati catholicae obviantes, damnamus, re- 
probamus, atque omnino rejicimus, ac pro damnatis, re- 
probatis, et rejectis ab omnibus utriusque sexus Christi 
iidelibus haberi debere, harum serie decernimus et decla- 
ramus. Inhibentes in virtute sanctse obediential, ac sub 
majores excommunicationes latae sententiae, nec non quo 
ad ecclesiasticas et regulares personas, episcopalium om- 
nium, etiam patriarchalium, metropolitan, et aliarum ca- 
thedral mm ecclesiarum, monasteriorum, quoque et priora- 
tuum etiam conventualium, et quorumcunque dignitatum, 
aut beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, secularium, aut quo- 
rumvis ordinum regularium, privationis et inhabilitatis ad 
ilia, et alia in posterum obtinenda. 

Insuper, quia errores praefati et plures alii continentur 
in libellis seu scriptis cujusdam Martini Lutheri, dictos li- 
bellos, et omnia dicti Lutheri scripta, seu praedicationes, 
in Latino, vel quocunque alio idiomate reperiuntur, in 
quibus dicti errores, seu eorum aliquis continentur, simili- 
ter damnamus, reprobamus, atque omnino rejicimus, et pro 
omnino damnatis, reprobatis, ac rejectis, (ut praefertur,) 
baberi voluimus. Mandantes in virtute sanctae obedientiae, 
et sub pcenis praedictis eo ipso incurrendis, omnibus et sin- 
gulis utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus superius nominatis, 
ne hujusmodi scripta, libellos, praedicationes seu schedu- 
las, vel in eis contenta capitula, errores aut articulos supra 



MONASTIC VOWS. 



381 



dictos conlinentia, legere, asserere, praedicare, laudare, 
imprimere, publicare, sive defendere, per se, vel alium, seu 
alios, directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, publice vel 
occulte, aut in domibus suis, sive aliis, publicis vel pri- 
vatis locis tenere quoquo modo praesumant, quinimo ilia 
statim post harum publicationem ubicunque fuerint, per 
ordinarios, et alios supradictos diligenter quaesita publice, 
et solenniter in praesentia cleri et populi, sub omnibus et 
singulis supradictis pcenis comburant. 



LUTHER ON MONASTIC VOWS. 

This treatise is deserving of attention in several respects. 
It contains a course of reasoning on a subject affecting the 
fundamental establishments of the Catholic church, and it 
comprehends topics on which Luther's sentiments had, in 
the course of years, undergone a total change. The dedi- 
cation of this work to his father, the reason for which we 
shall see presently, is calculated to show that Luther, how- 
ever irritable, had nothing vindictive in his disposition. 
We give the dedication in English, and subjoin several 
passages from the body of the book in the original lan- 
guage : 

DEDICATION. 

MARTIN LUTHER TO HIS FATHER JOHN LUTHER, GREETING} 
DEAR FATHER, 

It has for a considerable time been my intention to de- 
dicate the present publication to you in the most affection- 
ate manner; not from a vain wish to give publicity to your 
name, but with a view to avail myself of the opportunity, 
which an address to you afforded, of explaining to pious 
readers the nature of my book. 

You are well aware how deeply I have been impressed 
with the belief, that nothing could be more important or 
more sacred than to yield obedience to the impulse of the 
divine command. And here you may be disposed to ask. 



382 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



" Have you ever had doubts on such a subject, and is it 
but lately that you have learned the true state of the case?" 
It is so, I confess Until lately I have not only enter- 
tained doubts, but have been grossly ignorant of the true 
" state of the case." Let me add, with all due respect, 
that I believe I could prove, that, like myself, you were 
greatly deficient in this respect. It is now nearly sixteen 
years, since, without your knowledge, I ventured to make 
myself a monk. With the warmest parental affection, you 
felt alarmed on my account, because you knew beforehand 
the various privations and disadvantages of that mode of 
life. Your object was to connect me by marriage with a 
respectable and affluent family; and your anger at the 
course I had taken, was for some time exceedingly great. 
The words of the Psalmist, " God knoweth the thoughts 
of man that they are vain" — These words occurred to you, 
but without producing a full effect. At length you de- 
sisted and consented that your wishes should give way to 
what was the will of Heaven. My fears, however, were 
not then terminated, for I well remember that when you 
conversed mildly with me, and heard my declaration that 
I had become a monk not from partiality to the mode of 
life, but from the apprehension of divine wrath, your ob- 
servation was " I wish that it may not prove a vain illu- 
sion." These words sounded in my ears as if they had 
proceeded from the voice of God. — At no subsequent pe- 
riod have I forgotten them ; nor have any words, which I 
have ever heard, made so lasting an impression on me. 
Still I heard you only as a man, and persisted in adhering 
to what I regarded in the light of divine inspiration. Had 
it been in your power, you would certainly have prevented 
me from becoming a monk ; but as to me, had I even known 
what I now know, I should have pursued the same course, 
and have suffered death rather than have been stopped in it. 
Of the propriety of my conduct at that time, my opinion 
has certainly undergone a change; but God, by his infinite 
wisdom and mercy, has been pleased to produce great good 
out of evil. Would you not rather have lost one hundred 
sons than not have seen these happy effects arise ? Satan 
seems to have anticipated in me, from my infancy, some of 
those qualities which have since appeared ; and to prevent 
the progress of the cause in which they have been instru- 
mental, he affected my mind to such a degree as to make 
me often wonder whether I was the only human creature 



MONASTIC VOWS. 



383 



whom he tormented.* Now, however, I perceive that God 
directed that I should acquire, by personal experience, a 
knowledge of the constitution of universities and monas- 
teries, that my opponents might have no handle to boast 
that I pretended to condemn things of which I was igno- 
rant. It was ordained therefore that I should pass part of 
my life in a monastery. 

Let me proceed to ask what is the nature of your pre- 
sent opinions and feelings ? Your are still my father; I 
am still your son ; and vows, we are now satisfied, have 
ceased to be binding. The right of paternal authority was 
on your side when you opposed my change of life — in 
mine, there was a wish to obey the command of God — Had 
it depended on you, would you not ere this have taken me 
from the monastery? But lest you should imagine that 
God has only anticipated you by taking me himself from 
it, let me ask what if I should persist in wearing the mo- 
nastic garb and tonsure ? Are then the cowl and tonsure 
sufficient to constitute a monk? — My conscience is now 
freed — I am, and I am not a monk — a new creature, not 
of the pope, but of Christ. The monks created by the 
pope are the mere fictions of temporal authority. — Of that 
number I was one, but from that bondage I am now deli- 
vered by the grace of God. It may be asked why I do not 
ascribe my removal to the influence of your authority. 
God, who moved me to withdraw, has a more powerful 
claim on my acknowledgment. " He who loves his father 
or mother more than me," (said our Saviour,) " is not 
worthy of me." By this Christ did not mean to set aside 
the authority of parents, but to express, by a familiar illus- 
tration, that when their orders came in competition with 
those of our Saviour, the latter ought always to be pre- 
ferred. These things I recapitulate merely to show that I 
could not obey you otherwise than at the hazard of my 
conscience. At that time neither of us knew from Scrip- 
ture that the impulse of God was to be accounted superior 
to any human orders. — I now dedicate this book to you 
that you may see how remarkably Christ hath enabled me 
to relinquish the profession of a monk, and hath given me 
so much liberty, that although I am become the servant of 
all, I am subject to him alone. He is to me, " bishop, 

* Ut saepius fuerim admiratus, egone solus essem inter mortales, quem 
peteret 



384 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



abbot, prior, Lord, father, and master." — I know none 
but him — Let me, therefore, hope that he may have taken 
one son from you to make him instrumental in the salvation 
of many of his other sons. This, I am fully persuaded, 
you are prepared to receive not only willingly, but with 
great joy. Nor have you reason to do otherwise — What 
though the pope should be the cause of putting me to 
death ? He cannot raise the dead and make them suffer a 
second time. The day, I trust, is approaching, when that 
kingdom of abomination and perdition shall be destroyed. 
Would to God we were the first who were reckoned worthy 
to be burned or put to death by the pope, that our blood 
might be the means of accelerating his condemnation. 
But if we are not worthy to show our sincerity by our 
blood, let us at least pray and entreat that God may 
show us this mercy, that we be enabled to testify by our 
life and conduct that Jesus Christ alone is our Lord God 
blessed for ever. Amen. — Farewell, and salute my mo- 
ther, your Margaret, with all those who are in Christ. 

Ex Eremo, XXI. Novr. Anno MDXXI. 

Having seen the manner in which Luther thinks fit to 
address his father, we are now to observe his language to 
other persons. The work is introduced by what he calls a 
protestation, or opinion concerning monastic vows. 

" In the first place," he says, I wish those who have 
discovered such inveterate hatred to me to be informed 
that I do not address the work to them — they would con- 
demn on my account the plainest truths — because I am un- 
willing to 1 give what is holy to dogs, or to throw pearls 
before swine.' My object is to serve those persons who 
are suffering under the tyranny of conscience and sin." 

After mentioning the injury which Christianity had sus- 
tained from monastic vows, Luther proceeds to state that 
he does not mean to discuss the question whether a vow 
ought to be performed, but to inquire " what vows are real 
vows." He next enters on a long course of argument, of 
which it would be difficult to exhibit an analysis within mo- 
derate compass. This, like his other works, seems to have 
been composed in great haste, and the collateral illustra- 
tions are so numerous, that to form an adequate idea of 
them, it is necessary to travel through the whole work. 
He lays down, clearly and explicitly, that in Scripture 



MONASTIC VOWS. 



385 



there is neither precept nor example for monastic vows. 
Certain passages brought forward by the abettors of mo- 
nastic establishments, he subjects to a scrutiny and pro- 
nounces to have no application to their argument. He 
enters also on an examination of the reasons alleged in 
support of celibacy, and does not hesitate to affirm that 
his opponents have completely failed in making good their 
ease. The monastic life he represents as a tissue of errors, 
falsehoods, ignorance, folly, deceit, and confusion. The 
nature of the vow is inconsistent, he maintains, with the 
true faith, and hostile to Christian liberty. He next gives 
an account of the origin of vows, which we transcribe in 
his own words : 

Humanum inventum est votum, humanum inventum 
manet. Sed non in totum tamen ridiculum est, nam vo- 
vere subjectionem istam liberam ad tempus, non est inu- 
tile. Videmus enim primitives ecclesiae institutum fuisse et 
morem plane saluberrimum, ut juventutem seniores sibi ad 
tempus commendatam, instituerent in fide et disciplina, 
quod et Apostolorum Petri et Pauli epistolae indicant, ubi 
juniores volunt subdi senioribus. Hinc primum natas 
scholae Christianae in quibus et puellas quoque erudieban- 
tur, ut sanctae Jlgnis habet historia. Ex his tandem col- 
legia et monasteria pullulaverunt, propter eos, qui perpe- 
tuo et libere in scholis istis manere volebant. 

Ubi autem cceperunt ii, qui juventutem instituendam 
susceperunt, segnes fieri et sua curare, aucti opibus et otio, 
et juventus rebellior facta, turn voti laqueos invenerunt 
quibus conscientias alligatas tenerent sub disciplina, ut 
quisque seipsum metu peccati cohiberet, et otium fieret cu* 
ratoribus. Sicut et nunc mos est furiosus academiarum, 
juventutem irretire juramentis, et conscientias eorum ex- 
carnificare, ne sit necesse illis vigilare et solicitos esse in 
utramque aur m secure dormiant. Sic ex liberis et Chris- 
tianis scholis servilia et Judaica monasteria verae que sy- 
nagogse impietatis facta sunt. Si igitur votum hodiernum 
ad priscum ilium morem revocatur, et ita servaretur, nihil 
ibi periculi esset, et absque dubio apud Deum aliter non 
agnoscitur, quam ad ilium morem servandum temporaliter, 
tantum ut institutionem Christianam infirmiores et rudiores 
animi imbibant, et postea rursum liberi dimittantur, id 
quod infra etiam operibus Dei testibus probabimus. 

Without expressing any opinion on the accuracy of this 
passage, we proceed to the part of the work which con- 

3 C 



386 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



tains an account of the habits of the monks and of their 
manner of conducting public worship. After alleging the 
inconsistency of monastic vows with the commands of God, 
and accusing those who take them, of no less crimes than 
sedition and blasphemy, Luther adds — 

Primum asmulantur hodie lectionibus matutinalibus, epis- 
tolis, evangeliis, et singularibus cantibus; alterum homi- 
liis ; tertium, responsoriis, antiphonis, gradualibus, et quae- 
cunque communiter leguntur vel cantantur, sed infeliciter 
omnia, non enim docendi aut exhortandi, sed operandi 
tan turn studio omnia fiunt, sic enim legisse, sic cantasse, 
sic boasse, illis satis est; hoc opus quaeritur, et vocatur 
cultus Dei, quid autem legatur et cantetur, aut cur legatur 
et cantetur, ne in mentem quidem venit, nec est propheta 
qui interpretetur et doceat. Proinde ne sint otiosi in hoc 
mirabili cultu Dei, dedunt sese curae et solicitudini praele- 
gendi, praecantandi, recte distinguendi, pausandi, termi- 
nandi, attendendi, hoc unum spectantes, ut bene, devote 
et laudabiliter legatur et cantetur. Hie est finis ultimatus 
hujus cultus divini, ibi disciplinae, pcenae, articuli, statuta, 
peccata et merita hoc cultu dignissima. Dicas hunc gra- 
vissimum cultum Dei in hoc exerceri, ut viri illi magni et 
graves saltern particulam aliquam grammatical et musieae 
toto vitae tempore discant. Quid enim aliud quaerere pos- 
sunt judicari ? Si intret, ut Paulus ait, aliquis infidelis in 
medinm horum mugientium, murmurantium, boantium, vi- 
dens eos neque prophetare, neque orare, sed tantum suo 
more sonare, ceu fistulas illas organorum, (quae sibi optimo 
consilio sociaverunt, et simile juxta simile suum posue- 
runt,) nonne optimo jure dicet : " Quid insanitis ?" Quid 
enim sunt nisi fistulae aut tibiae ilia?, quas Paulus dicit, nul- 
lam vocum distinctionem dare, sed tantum in aera sonare, 
non aliter, quam si quis declamaturus suggestum conscen- 
dat, et horam totam sonet verba peregrina in populum, 
quse nemo intelligat. Nonne hie in aera loquitur ? Nonne 
insanus judicabitur ? Scilicet talis cultus decebat sacri- 
legos et blasphemos adversarios Christi, ut essent nihilo 
meliores mutis illis et ligneis fistulis, multo labore sonantes, 
nihil docentes, nihil discentes, nihil orantes, et tamen hoc 
opus insaniae pro summa latria jactarent, omnium opes 
illius meritis ad sese corrivarent, et hanc quidem domum 
talis decet sanctitudo. 

By this time, Luther, we perceive, was fully satisfied of 
the^aburdity of monastic regulations. In the fifth section 



MONASTIC VOWS. 



387 



of this book he endeavours to show their inconsistency with 
charity, with obedience to parents, and with the love of 
our neighbour. The following passage is marked by his 
usual decision of language, and contains an account of his 
own feelings when a member of a monastery. 

Eadem obedientia pulchre sese exoneraverunt operibus 
illis misericordiae, quae Christus, Matth. 25. in judicio sese 
exacturum minatur. Videat monachus famelicum, sitibun- 
dum, nudum, vagum, captivum, he. sed caveat ne egre- 
diatur monasterium, ne visitet infirmum, ne consoletur 
tristem, sed sinat ire et perire, quidquid perierit, claudat 
viscera sua, etiamsi possit ilium juvare. Postea dicat, ideo 
sese omisisse charitatem, quia noluerit victimam offerre prae 
obedientia. Idem faciat, si pater aut mater opera ejus 
cceperint opus habere, ut vel pascat, vel serviat iis. O 
furorem inauditum ! Ego sane in meo monachatu, quan- 
quam hebes sum et rudis, nihil tamen aggrius tuli, quam 
hanc crudelitatem, et negatae charitatis sacrilegium. Ne- 
que potui unquam persuaderi, ut quietus crederem rectam 
et licitam esse obedientiam istam monasticam adversus 
charitatem, tarn impudenter saevientem. Dicent vero hie: 
Si ista monaehis detur licentia vagandi, peribit universum 
institutum monasticum, desolabuntur monasteria, ruet cul- 
tus Dei, singulis euntibus, ut parentibus et proximis egen- 
tibus ministrent. Pulchre. Ut ergo stent lapides et ligna, 
ut perseveret fistularum ululatus et murmur in choro, ut 
rasura capitis et longa tunica non deponatur, mandatum 
Dei deserendum est, pro quo etiam sanguis fundendus, ani- 
ma et omnia ponenda sunt. Quam sapienter, quam agque 
judicant isti viri de mandatis Dei ? Nonne hoc est quod 
dixi, monasticum institutum et divinum mandatum ex dia- 
metro natura sua, pugnare ? Si enim divinum mandatum 
servare voles, votum perpetuum servare non potes : elige 
utrum volueris. 

Luther was so much accustomed to make his writings 
the vehicle of his feelings, that we have little reason to ex- 
pect exaggeration in his picture of monkish privations, 
however much at variance with the habits of the present 
age. He represents the monks to have been frequently in 
want of the necessaries of life, and as suffering both from 
hunger and deficiency of clothing. In this, as in his other 
works, we meet with frequent repetitions in the leading to- 
pics of discussion between him and the Catholics. Per- 
haps in none of his publications is there a more lavish in- 



388 APPENDIX PAPERS. 

troduction of extraneous illustration. A similar remark 
may be made in regard to the confidence of his tone, and 
his remarkable characteristic of never doubting that an 
honest inquirer would go along with him in his conclu- 
sions. We close our extracts with the passage which forms 
the termination of the work. 

Haec pro tempore de monastica volui dicere, plura dic- 
turus, si quis ea impetierit, quanquam sic arbitror omnia 
scripturis et rationibus evidentibus munita, ut non solum 
possint adversariorum os oppilare, (quod parum spectavi,) 
sed etiam conscientias fideliter erga Deum erigere et secu- 
ras facere, id quod maxime spectavi. Illaqueatis enim diu- 
turnis legibus, consuetudinibus, propriis pavoribus et scru- 
pulis, deinde sanctitatis auctoritate, multitudine et magni- 
tudine hominum, maxime vero divinis Scripturis erroneo 
sensu altissime imbibitis, certe dim*cillimum est mederi et 
Hbertatem tarn lee tarn, tarn desperatis et jamdudum in in- 
ferno deploratis persuadere. 

Nam ut haec pugnent et triumphent adversus papam et 
suas synagogas, infinitum illud academiarum, monasterio- 
rum, collegiorum vulgus, non magnopere gaudeo, quid 
enim ad nos, quid sapiat perditum hoc papas et pejorum 
Turcarum regnum, quod jamdudum contempsi? Nobis 
hoc curae est, ut conscientias roboremus adversus Satanam 
in hora mortis, et securas reddamus ante Filium hominis. 
Insaniant homines, ut volunt, in morte saltern nos relinquent 
sive victi sive victores. At coram* Satana et judicio Dei 
quis subsistet, nisi certissimis et evidentissimis verbis Dei 
munitus, steterit supra petram et custodiam suam, auditu- 
rus quid contradicatur ei, qui possit dicere Deo sine haesi- 
tatione et trepidatione cordis. Haec tu dixisti, qui mentiri 
non potes. Unde et ego per Christum oro omnes, qui meo 
voluerint hoc consilio uti, et deserto monasterio libertati 
sese reddere, ut ante omnia suam conscientiam probent, ne 
forte hoc tentent novitate rei allecti, aut solo hominum con- 
temptu vel odio. Nam ii in morte, suscitata et vexata per 
Satanam conscientia de apostasia, de soluto voto, &c. non 
subsistent, sed ad sacrilegam pcenitentiam spectabunt, 
fientque novissima pejora prioribus. Opus est enim hie 
solis verbis Dei puris fortiter inniti, et ne judicio quidem 
Dei cedere, cum sciamus veracem eum esse, sese negare 
non posse. Verba autem, quae hue valeant, ea sunt, quae 
supra posuimus, in quibus solus Christus nobis lux et dux 
praeficitur, et quidquid est ab hominibus inventum, damna- 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 389 



tar. Ipse igitur dulcis dux et lux nostra Jesus Christus 
illustret et roboret cor nostrum, in virtute sua propria et 
verbo salutari in vitam aeternam, cui est gloria, et impe- 
rium in secula seculorum. Amen. 
M.D.XXII. Mense Januario. 

1 Petri ii. 

Quasi liberi et non quasi velamen habentes maliciae li- 
bertatem, sed sicut servi Dei. 

LUTHER'S PREFACE TO HIS TRANSLATION 
OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

This composition is of considerable length, and consists 
chiefly of an exposition of the intimate connection subsist- 
ing between the Old and New Testament. The following 
are extracts from the introductory and concluding passages. 

INTRODUCTORY PART. 

Multi sunt, qui veteris Testamenti libros non satis magni 
faciunt, quod putent illos Judaeis tantum scriptos esse, nec 
porro aliquem eorum esse usum, cum nihil contineant prae- 
ter quasdarn veterum historias; sic enim sentiunt, sufficere 
sibi Novum Testamentum, in veteri nihil quaerendum prae- 
ter allegorias. Atque haec fere Origenis et Hieronymi sen- 
tentia est, et aliorum multorum. Verum Christus Johan. 
v. aliter sentit, sic enim inquit : " Scrutamini Scripturas, 
illae enim de me testantur;" et Paulus monet Timotheum, 
ut sit sedulus sacrarum literarum lector. Et ad Rom. i. 
gloriatur evangelium in scripturis a Deo promissum esse. 
Item, 1 Corinth, xv. dicit, Christum, sicut in scriptura 
praedictum est, ex semine Davidis natum, mortuum esse et 
resurrexisse. Et Petrus quoque ssepius lectorem ad scrip- 
turam remittit. Docent autem nos omnes hi loci, quam 
non contemnendi sint veteris Testamenti libri, sed quod 
summo studio sint legendi cum ipsi apostoli testimonia suae 
doctrinae ex veteri Testamento accersant illiusque auctori- 
tate evangelium confirment. Sicut S. Lucas quoque scri- 
fcit, Act. xvii. quod Thessalonicenses quotidie scrutabantur 



390 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



Scripturas, nura cum Pauli doctrina convenient. Magni 
igitur aestimandi sunt veteris Testamenti libri, quod sint 
ceu fundamentum quoddam, quo novum Testamentum ni- 
titur, unde certa argumenta novi Testamenti peti possint. 
Et novum Testamentum quid, quaeso, aliud est, quam 
aperta queedam praedicatio sententiarum et promissionum 
veteris Testamenti, qua? per Christum sunt completae. 
Volui igitur breviter in libros veteris Testamenti praefari, 
ut simplicioribus viam quandam aperirem quam secuti, 
majore cum fructu hos libros legerent. Ac principio qui- 
dem omnes pios diligenter admonitos volo, ne offendantur 
simplicitate orationis, item absurdis in speciem historiis, 
quae saepius lectori occurrent. Sint enim quantumvis sim- 
plicia et stulta, quae hie scribuntur, tamen sunt divinae ma- 
jestatis, potentiae et sapientiae divinae verba, opera, judi- 
cia, et facta. Hae enimillae sunt literae, quae ex sapientibus 
et prudentibus stultos faciunt quas non nisi parvuli et stulti 
assequuntur, sicut Christus quoque Matth. ii. Ergo cum 
hos libros legis, non tuum judicium nec rationem tuanr se- 
queris, sed sic senties, te omnium maximas ac pretiosissi- 
rnas res tractare, te in possessionem amplissimi cujusdam 
thesauri venisse, cujus pretium nemo unquam aestimare 
queat, ex quo divina sapientia hauriatur, Ideo autem sim- 
plicius et stultius sapientiam suam nobis in his libris pro- 
posuit Deus, ut superbiam et arrogantiam nostram penitus 
retunderet. Hae enim sunt illae. fasciae, hoc praesepe illud 
est, in quo Christus jacet, ad quod pastores remittit An- 
gelus; tenues quidem et viles sunt fasciae, verum thesaurus 
involutus maximi est pretii, Christus scilicet. Hoc igitur 
primum scias, hunc librum esse librum legis, in quo doce- 
mur, quid faciendum, quid non sit faciendum; praeterhaec 
adduntur quoque exempla et historiae servatae et non ser- 
vatse legis. Et quemadmodum evangelium gratiae est liber, 
qui docet unde ea facultas petenda sit, ut legi satisfacia- 
mus. Sunt autem praeter illam gratiae doctrinam, multa 
alia praecepta de mortificando vetere homine addita (illis 
enim praeceptis opus est cum semper in nobis haereant re- 
liquiae peccati, neque quisquam hominum perfectus sit) sic 
in veteri Testamento legibus quaedam promissiones et sen- 
tential de Christo intertextae sunt, quibus servati sunt 
sancti Patres qui sub lege ante revelatum Christum, in fide 
tamen promissi liberatoris vixerunt, et quemadmodum No- 
vum Testamentum hoc praecipue agit, ut gratiam et pacem 
per remissionem peccatorum in Christo nobis annunciet. 



LUTHER'S PREFACE. 



391 



Sic vetus Testamentum hoc praecipue agit, ut proponat 
leges, peccata ostendat et arguat, exigat quoque a nobis 
bona opera. Atque hunc veteris Testamenli scias esse 
scop urn. 

CONCLUSION OF THE PREFACE. 

Hactenus dixi, diligenter cogitandum esse piis omnibus, 
ac praecipue docentibus, ut recte de Mose judicent, et dis- 
cernant, quid ad Judaeos pertineat, et quid nobis prosit, 
videlicet utcum leges tradit, ne judicemus nos obligari, nisi 
quatenus cum notitia legis naturae congruit, et earn decla- 
rat, Sit Moses sui populi doctor et legislator, nos alium 
magistrum habemus, Christum, qui nobis abunde tradidit 
omnia, quae nobis discenda et facienda sunt, confirmat 
illam ipsam doctrinam legis divinae quae in Mose exposita 
et illustrata est, sicut inquit, Non veni solvere legem et 
prophetas, &lc. et addit evangelii doctrinam de suo bene- 
ficio. Sed tamen et Mosi libros propter has, quas dixi, 
utilitates retineamus, et studiose legamus, quod decalogi 
doctrinam diligenter et copiose enarrat et illustrat, quod 
plenus est exemplorum et de poenis impiorum et de fide et 
obedientia, et glorificatione sanctorum ; quod collegit dul- 
cissimas promissiones de Christo, quae proprie etiam ad nos 
pertinent, itaque sic legamus Mosen, ut etiam ipsam evan- 
gelii historiam legimus, in qua etsi multa sunt, ut sic dicam, 
personalia, quae ad alios nihil pertinent, ut quod leprosos 
Christus mittit ad sacerdotes cum sacrifices, et sirnilia, ta- 
men exemplum fidei et obedientiae ad omnes pertinet. Haec 
copiosius fuerunt dicenda, propterea quod saepe multi in 
ecclesia in hoc errore fuerunt, de legibus Mosaicis, nec 
viderunt, quid nobis ex Mose praecipue dicendum sit, aut 
quomodo discernendum inter legem moralem seu decalo- 
gum, et alias politicas seu forenses leges, ut et Origenes et 
alii eum secuti hie hallucinati sunt, et nostra aetate multi 
contenderunt etiam forenses controversias ex Mose dijudi- 
candas esse; extiterunt interdum etiam Anabaptistae et ho- 
rum similes fanatici, qui circumcisionem et Sabbata Ju- 
daica contenderent observanda esse. Simus igitur cauti 
et de Mose ex Christiana doctrina judicemus, quas mon- 
strat, quomodo utiliter legendus sit, et quae copia salutaris 
doctrinae ex ipso peti possit, quae nos erudire potest ad sa- 
lutem (ut Paulus 2 Timoth. iii. de lectione sacrarum li- 
terarum loquitur) et confirmare fidem nostram in Jesum 
Christum, qua similiter patres, ut nos, Deo accepti et salvi 
facti sunt. 



392 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



PARTICULARS RELATIVE TO 

CAROLOSTAD, SPALATIN, JUSTUS JONAS, 
AND CRUCIGER. 

CAROLOSTAD, 

Being of a respectable family, had the benefit of good 
education at an early age. The places where he studied 
have not been accurately ascertained, but it is certain that 
he resided some time at Rome. On returning from Italy, 
he fixed his residence at Wittemberg, where he took his 
degree of doctor of divinity, and became one of the ear- 
liest professors in that university; he was the first who 
came forward to advocate Luther's cause by his writings — 
a priority in the lists of controversy, which may perhaps 
be ascribed as much to his characteristic enterprise and 
ambition for distinction, as to motives of friendship. He 
was likewise the first Catholic in the station of priest, who 
took the decisive step of entering on the married state, in 
defiance of the long established prohibition of the head of 
the church. Unfortunately his prudence was not equal to 
his zeal, and he was deficient in the respect due to the 
judgment and the attainments of Luther. In his latter 
years he went to Basil, and died there in 1541, after hav- 
ing filled the station of a public teacher during ten years. 
The testimony of Zwinglius in regard to him is favourable, 
that eminent reformer considering him as possessed both of 
knowledge and energy, although unskilful in the manner 
of bringing his powers to bear on the particular subject 
under discussion. 



SPALATIN. 

To the particulars already mentioned (p. 313) about this 
meritorious person, it is proper to add, that on his con- 
sulting Luther in regard to the course of study which was 
most likely to afford him a thorough knowledge of the 
sacred Scriptures, the latter recommended the writings of 
Erasmus next to those of Jerome, Ambrose, and Augus- 
tine. Above all, he advised his friend to drink at the 
fountain-head, and to obtain a familiar acquaintance with 
Scripture itself. Spalatin continued throughout life a zea- 



JUSTUS JONAS. 



393 



lous friend of Luther and the Reformation, and the access 
which his official situation gave him to correspondence with 
the leading men in Germany, was of the greatest use to the 
cause. He wrote a book, called " Chronicon," containing 
an account of Saxony ; and he translated, from Latin into 
German, the work of Erasmus " De lnstitutione Prin- 
cipis," prefixing to his version a dedication to the emperor 
Charles V. 

JUSTUS JONAS. 

In addition to his professorship at Wittemberg, Jonas 
was one of the clergymen of that city, and appears from 
the suavity of his manners and the extent of his informa- 
tion, to have been a great favourite with many of his co- 
temporaries. Among those who have left ample testimo- 
nies to his good qualities, we find the names of Melancthon, 
Stigelius, Camerarius, and Siberus. According to them 
he was not only animated by cordial attachment to. his 
friends, but conspicuous for piety, industry, and erudition. 
His writings are not numerous, and relate principally to 
topics connected with his course of teaching. He pub- 
lished an answer to Wycelius on the death of Luther, in 
which he brought forward an ample vindication of the me- 
mory of his friend. — At the same time, his attachment to 
Luther did not interrupt his good understanding with 
Erasmus. — The following account of Justus Jonas is taken 
from Melchior Adam : 

" Northusae imperiali Cheruscorum oppido, Justus Jonas 
in lucem editus est, anno Christi, millesimo, quadringen- 
tesimo, nonagesimo tertio, die quinto Junii. Tnciderunt 
autem studia ejus Theologica in ipsa initia mutatae religio- 
nis fuitque Jonas hie non tantum auditor et spectator, sed 
etiam actor, approbatorve eorum, quae in religionis ne- 
gotio tunc gesta. Sub annum Christi millesimum, quin- 
gentesimum, vicesimum primum, mortuo Henningo Goe- 
den jurisconsulto celeberrimo, reique ecclesiasticae in col- 
legio omnium sanctorum Wittembergae praeposito, Jonas, 
in locum ejus est surrogatus, doctorque theologiae die de- 
cimo quarto Octobris ejusdem anni renunciatus. Ubi, 
cum variae exorirentur quaestiones, presertim super missa 
privata, et ejus abrogatione, ac princeps elector Saxoniae, 
ne ea res motus excitaret majores, metueret, ipse cum col- 
legis ac delectis electori rationem ejus rei reddidit, utque 
in ipsorum facto, quamvis tunc insolenti et periculoso 9 

3D 



394 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



princeps acquiesceret, effecit. Interfuit etiam postea pie- 
risque omnibus, qui religionis causa instituti, conventibus, 
suoque loco et veritatem tueri et pacem stabilire, si qua 
posset prudenter annisus est. Nam cum sacrarum litera- 
rum peritus, et juris etiam civilis non plane hospes esset, 
negotia ecclesiastica, quibus politica ssepe immixta, dex- 
terius aliis administravit. Itaque anno undetrigesimo, cum 
Luthero et Melancthone ad colloquium Marpurgi indic- 
tum venit : et anno sequenti celeberrimis illis comitiis Au- 
gusta? celebratis cum eodem Melancthone adfuit : et nego- 
tium religionis adjuvit." 

CRUCIGER 

Was full twenty years younger than Luther, and had 
the advantage of acquiring Greek and Latin at an early- 
age. Leipsic was the scene of his first studies, but on 
reaching the time when it became proper for him to learn 
Hebrew, he repaired to the more celebrated seminary of 
Wittemberg. Few of the Reformers possessed more mis- 
cellaneous attainments than Cruciger. At the diet of 
Worms he attended in the capacity of notary, and was af- 
terwards of much assistance to Luther in the great work 
of translating the Scriptures. He was so indefatigable a 
scribe, that it was to him the public owed copies of the 
chief part of the expositions and sermons delivered by 
Luther in the university and church of Wittemberg. He 
was appointed rector of the school of Magdeburg, and 
gave great satisfaction in the discharge of the office; but 
the thirst of information was all powerful with him, and 
induced him to return to the university of Wittemberg. 
The same passion led him to add the study of mathematics 
and even of medicine to his theological labours. For se- 
veral years, in the latter part of life, he held the station of 
rector of the university; but his career was not of long du- 
ration, for he died in 1548. 

FUNERAL VERSES ON LUTHER. 

The best scholars in Wittemberg were anxious to testify 
their regard for the man who had lived so long among 
them, and had rendered such distinguished service to the 
cause of religion. 



FUNERAL VERSES ON LUTHER. 395 



The inscription on his tomb-stone deserves to be re- 
corded. 

Continet hie tumulus Martini membra Lutheri : 
Nosse sat hoc fuerat : sed tamen ista lege. 

Near the statue are the following : 

Hie prope Martini rursus victura Lutheri 

In parvo tumulo molliter o3sa cubant; 
Qua prius horrendis errorum pressa tenebris, 

Atque operum obscura nube sepulta fuit. 
Hoc monstrante iterum patefacta est gratia Christi 

Quaque Deo acceptos nos facit esse, fides. 
Namque superstitio cum regnum coeca teneret t 

Et premeret longo dogmata vera situ : 
Hie Dei afilatu monitus, verboque vocatus, 

Lucem evangelii sparsit in orbe novam. 
Instructusque, tubas Paulina et fulmine lingua, 

Exploso coepit vera docere, dolo. 
Utque agnum in media Baptista ostendit eremo, . 

Qui pia pro populi victima labe foret : 
Sic quoque monstravit te, maxime Christe, Lutherus ; 

Cum totus tenebris obrutus orbis erat. 
Et legis tabulae, quas in Sinaide Moses 

Allisas fregit rupe, propheta Dei ; 
Quid distent Evangelio : quod pectora sanet ; 

Conscia quae culpa terruit ira Dei ; 
Hoc prias amissum discrimen reddidit orbij 

Essent ut Christi munera nota magis. 
Arguit Ausonii fraudes atque impia regna 

Pontificis, populo quae nocuere Dei. 
Pollutasque monens vitare idola per aras, 

Ad veruni adduxit corda levata Deum. 
Magnanimusque Deo, cursum, servante peregit, 

Insidias contra multiplicesque minas. 
Tandem ex hac vita tranquilla morte vocatus, 

Ardua propitio venit ad astra Deo. 
Sentit ubi coram felicia gaudia Christi 

Veraque post obitum pramia vivus habet. 
Grata Deo tanto sit pro doctore futura 

iEtas ; quae Christi dogmata vera sciet : 
Atque oret precibus, Deus hanc, quam praebuit orbi 

Lucem evangelii servet ut ipse sui. 

Decessit in patria sua Isleben. 

Anno a natali Christi M.D.XLVI. 

Die Februarii XVIII. 

Anno aetatis sua LXIII. 

Academia Witteberg. u* filia patri dilecto. 

E. C. 

On the Stone : 

Martini Lutheri S. Theologia 
D. Corpus H. L. S. E. Qui anno 
Christi M.D.XLVI. XII. 
CAL. MARTII E1SLEBII 
IN PATRIA S.M.O.C.V. 
ANNO LXIII. M. III. D. X. 



396 APPENDIX PAPERS. 

r 

Other epitaphs and inscriptions are extant, from which 
we select the following : 

PHILIPP. MELANCTHON. 

Occidit omnigena venerandus laude Lutherus, 
Qui Christum docuit non dubitante fide. 
Ereptum deflet vero, hunc ecclesia luctu 
Cujus erat doctor, verius, imo pater. 
Occidit Israel praestans auriga Lutherus, 
Quem mecum sanus lugeat omnis homo. 
Nunc luctumque suum lacrymoso carmine prodat 
Hoc etenim orbatos flere, dolore decet. 

THEOD. BEZA. 

Roma orbem domuit, Romam sibi papa subegit, 
Viribus ilia suis, fraudibus iste suis. 
Quant6 isto major Lutherus, major et ilia; 
Istum, illamque uno qui domuit calamo. 
I nunc ! Alciden memorato Grrecia mendax, 
Lutheri ad calamum ferrea clava nihil. 

JOAJVN. MAJOR. 

Lutherus decimum confecit strage Leonem \ 
De clava noli queerere ; penna fuit. . 

JOACHIM A BEUST. 

In sua concessit quo tempore fata Lutherus, 

Mortuus est purse religionis apex. 
Mens it ad astra, die cui dat Concordia nomen, 

Lutherum in ccelum qu« comitata redit. 
Huic quia successit lacera discordia veste, 
Da populo Elise pallia, Christe tuo. 



MELANCTHON'S OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 

The following Observations on the Conference at Worms 
held in 1540, are given in the words of Melancthon. 

Renovat mihi colloquii Wormaciensis recordatio acerbum 
luctum et verum dolorem, quem cepi ex interitu duorum 
quorum ibi recens consuetudo mihi dulcissima fuit, D. Ca- 
pitonis videlicet et Simonis Grynaei, qui cum ambo propter 
excellentem eruditionem, virtutem, et pietatem magno or- 
namento ecclesiae Christi fuerint, publica jactura et agno- 
scenda et deploranda est. Nihil enim dicam hoc loco de 
privata nostra amicitia, qua fruemur aliquanto post multo 



ON THE CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 39? 



suavius, cum una cum Christo, prophetis et apostolis con- 
versabimur. Grynaeus cum videret magnum decus esse 
ecclesiae eruditionem, magno labore accendere omnium ho- 
nestarum artium studia conabatur, optimos auctores veteres 
edebat ac enarrabat. Erat ingenium capax omnium bo- 
narum artium, sed haec major laus est, quod non fastidit 
doctrinam ecclesiae, sed semper ad philosophica studia lec- 
tionem adjunxit prophetarum et apostolorum. Capito ec- 
clesiam et voce et perpetuis monumentis erudiit. — Sed ut 
de Wormaciensibus congressibus dicam. Erasmus eo 
missi ut amanter et placide, sed tamen, sicut prsesertim in 
ecclesia decet, publice de controversiis, inquisita veritate, 
dirimendis, conferremus. Ac sperabamus ad futuros gu- 
bernatores colloquii et /3pa§2u<ra?, non mutos, sed qui con- 
tentionem moderarentur, et eligerent sententias veras ac 
concordiae utiles. Sed dum adversarii defugiunt publicam 
collationem et inter se aliquot insulsos et flexiloquos articu- 
los componunt, nobis postea obtrudendos, nos otiosi fere 
quotidie conveniebamus omnes, ac de singulis controversiis 
summo candore acerrime disserebamus. Ibi memini multa 
singulorum pie dicta, quae a multis in commentarios relata 
sunt. Sed ut castera omittam : ventum erat ad controver- 
siam de auctoritate episcoporum et legibus, quae in ecclesia 
hum ana auctoritate conditae sunt. Ibi cum mentio fieret 
decreti apostolici, quod est in Actis capite 15. audiebamus 
et D. Andream, Osiandrum, et D. Capitonem historica 
quaedam recitantes ex Judaeorum monumentis, quae quia 
nonnihil lucis addunt decreto apostolico, duxi hie corn- 
memoranda esse. Scio prudentibus omnibus historica 
grata esse. Et narratio ilia continet exemplum erudi- 
tionis, ortum haud dubie a summis prophetis, itaque mag- 
no me munere judicabam ab utroque ab Osiandro et a 
Capitone donari cum veterem ilium ritum nobus ignotum 
exponerent ; dicebant enim Judaeos veteres, florente adhuc 
eorum politia, siquando vicinam aliquam civitatem Ethni- 
cam bello ceperant, aut fcedere sibi adjunxerant, non soli- 
tos imponere victis legem Mosaicam aut circumcisionem, 
sed tantum haec in conditionibus pacis, sen formula foede- 
ris praecipere, ut deletis idolis, unum ac verum Deum, con- 
ditorem omnium rerum, qui se patefecit in verbo dato 
populo Israel colerent ; deinde quia ethnici scortationem 
non solebant prohibere, et nimium laxarent frenum vagae 
libidini, addebatur hoc, ut prohiberent scortationem. Ad- 
debantur et reliqua capita quae in decreto apostolico recen- 
sentur, ne rebus immolatis idolo, ne sanguine et smfocatis 



393 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



vescerentur. Nec obscura est ratio de immolatis ; nolue 5 - 
runt enim, pios ad convivia et pompas festis diebus eornm, 
qui idola colebant, accedere, ne societate sua confirmarent 
impia sacrificia, quae tunc fiebant. De sanguine et suffo- 
cate- sumptum est praeceptum ex historia Nohae. Nam 
hunc ritum vetustiorem Moisae tradi vicinis Judaei victores 
voluerunt, ut esset monumentum severissimi praecepti, quod 
Deus Nohae commendavit, de privata caede. Ergo etiam 
veteres gubernatores populi Judaici intellexerunt ceremo- 
nias Mosaicas ad suam tantum politiam pertinere, nec esse 
justitiam, promissionem verae salutis pertinere etiam ad 
gentes et has ita placere Deo et justas esse, si verum Deum, 
qui promiserat semen, in quo benedicendse essent omnes 
gentes, agnoscerent, et fide invocarent, et in moribus iis 
legibus ob temper arent, quas omnium hominum mentibus 
Deus impressit. Quare apostoli, quod proprium erat mune- 
ris ipsorum, initio pronunciarunt de ceremoniarum abroga- 
tione, et Judaeos ac Gentes hoc onere levaverunt. Deinde 
praecepta de idolis et de scortatione adjici necesse fuit, ut fa- 
cile intelligi potest, quae cum essent addenda, usi sunt for- 
mula usitata veterum gubernatorum ejus populi, a qua mi- 
nus abhorrebant vicini. Haec si quis expendet, intelliget 
longe discrepare exemplum apostolorum, a consilio epis- 
coporum, qui postea a se excogitatas ceremonias, coeliba- 
tum, et ciborum discrimina et quidem tanquam cultus ec- 
clesiae imposuerunt. Haec historiola ostendit hanc partem 
in decreto, nec nuvam nec ingratam fuisse vicinis. Haec 
ut recenserem, admonitus sum recordatione Capitonis, cu- 
jus memoria studiosis commendanda est, ut talis viri mores, 
pietatem, et studia imitentur. Nec profecto quicquam 
habeo, quod de eo conventu relatu dignius judico. Nam 
publicae tridui declamationes, verius quam disputationes, 
quales fuerint, lector ex hac editione cognoscet. Fortasse 
prodest extare iwXoxgatf/av Eccianam eo, ut boni et graves 
palam videant, sophistas illos nec candorem nec studium 
veritatis ad has tantas deliberation es adferre. Audivi Ec- 
cium gloriose jactitantem posse se utramque partem tueri. 
Putat de laude ingenii certari ; non quaerit veritatem, non 
studet consulere ecclesiae; denique in hac causa deploranda 
erat omnium lacrymis humani generis miseria, quod prop- 
ter malum originis, haec praestans natura, primum horri- 
bili ira Dei, deinde ingenti mole calamitatum hujus vitae, 
et morte ipsa oppressa est praeterea imagine Dei in nobis 
deformata, nunc in tenebris et contumacia perpetua contra 
legem Dei versatur. Hoc tantum malum isti Epicurei ex- 



ON THE CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 399 



tenuant. Sed haec relinquo cogitanda pio lectori, cum 
conferret utriusque condones. Non arbitror autem quen- 
quam pium adeo lentum esse, xou cc^oXov, ut sine fremiti! 
Eccii sophismata et ineptas verborum prsestigias legere 
possit. Ludit vocabulis criminis, culpse, peccati capitalis; 
converrit testimonia, quae fecit nihil contra nos facere, de- 
nique Socraticus disputator est, perpetuo suam sententiam 
occultat, tantum hoc agitat, ut oppugnet adversarium. In- 
genue dicam quod sentio, saspe mihi et stomachum et bilem 
has insidiosae tergiversationes, captiones yo-^rsiag moverunt, 
quae Phormionem aut Pseudolum in comoediis, non theo- 
logum in explicatione doctrinae decent. Haec eo com- 
memoro, ut cogitent studiosi, quantum sit periculi cum 
his sycophantis congredi : seque ad similia certamina ma- 
jore cur a praeparent, ac primum quidem vera et salutaria 
ecclesiae dicere studeant, deinde luceat in oratione, tan- 
quam in vultu ingenuitas dicentis, sitque propria et simplex 
orationis forma, qualis Apelleis est color in tabulis. Haec 
ut efficiam conniti me non exigua animi contentione, multi 
norunt. Eccii verp voluntatem longe aliam in hoc ipso 
congressu fuisse, ipsius declamationes ostendunt, qui de 
indn stria quaedam involvit, deinde aperte falsa et impia at- 
texit. Nam in postrema peroratione, cum multa insulsa 
cumulasset, quae indigna erant responsione, tandem sten- 
torea voce clamitans, confirmabat vulgatam sui gregis 
opinionem, quae agentes pcenitentiam jubet dubitare, an 
Deo reconcilientur, jubet hos invocantes Deum dubitare 
an placeant, an Deus eorum preces accipiat, ac detorque- 
bat eo dictum Salomonis. Nescit homo an amore vel odio 
dignus sit. Illi vero doctores odio digni sunt, qui Salo- 
monis dicto affingunt ethnicam sententiam. Sic Epicurii 
aut Pyrrhonii loquuntur, odium et amorem Dei incertum 
esse. Est ne incertum displicere Deo Neronem ? Sic in. 
ecclesia loqui furor est, in qua et conscius sibi sceleris ex- 
pavescere iram Dei debet, et agens pcenitentiam certo sta- 
tuere se in gratiam recipi et exaudiri propter filium Dei. 
Extat vox evangelii, qua? est promissio condonationis. 
Additum est jusjurandum : Vivo ego," inquit Deus, 
" nolo mortem peccatoris." Extat mandatum ut promis- 
sioni credamus. Et nominatim fides toties postulatur. 
Haec omnia simul obruit et delet opinio Ecciana, quae ju- 
bet dubitare. Quid dicat et velit Salomon non est obscu- 
rum, modo dextre accipiatur ejus dictum. De variis even- 
tibus in hac vita disserit, ut doceat nos nec efferri blan- 
diente fortuna, nec frangi animis in rebus adversis; ac de 



400 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



voluntate Dei, non ex his eventibus, sed ex aliis testimo- 
niis judicare. Eruditissimum et plenum pietatis prsecep- 
tum est, sed accidit Salomoni idem quod ille dicebat; dex- 
tra se preecepta tradere sed quosdam auditores sinistra ac- 
cipere. Haec eo recito, ut qui legent has Eccii pagellas, 
admoniti citius deprehendant errorem, ac simul deplorent 
ecclesias tenebras, in qua tales Pyrrhoniae sententiae ab ad- 
versariis nostris defenduntur et confirmantur, quae Filium 
Dei manifesta contumelia adficiunt. Cogitent etiam omnes 
pios et ex animo debere execrari tarn absurdos errores, et 
quaerere melius doctrinee genus. Hoc studium etiamsi in 
odio est, tamen et Deo, et ecclesiae et nobis ipsis debemus. 
Scio frustra haec dici iis, qui religiones judicant fabulosas 
esse, et ecclesise certamina tanquam facem dissidiorum 
publicorum execrantur. Et hac ultima setate mundi vide- 
mus hanc Cyclopicam philosophiam late vagari, et multos 
habere adplausores. Sed ut Maccabaeorum tempore non 
deleta est ecclesia funditus, ita scimus et nunc, quanquam 
atrociter grassantibus Turcis et domesticis hostibus, reli- 
quias ecclesiae Deum servaturum esse, apud quas has pias 
cohortationes de puritate evangelii inquirenda et propa- 
ganda valere speramus. Erat exigua Ecclesia, cum Filius 
Dei penderet in cruce, et subitae tenebrae medio die coelum 
ac terras involverent, nec tamen funditus deleta est. Sed 
jam et latro et centurio agnoscunt et praedicant Christum. 
Ita nos in hac mundi senecta, cum propter MwXo|xav»a et 
alia scelera mundum oppressit ira Dei, tamen clamorenos- 
tro adversus d^sovg laudes Dei et Filii ejus Jesu Christi so- 
nemus. Irascamur Epicureis sapientibus, qui derident no- 
men Dei : dimicemus cum Turcis qui Filio Dei maledi- 
cunt; refutemus impios sacrificulos et monachos, qui idola 
colunt, nec tribuunt Filio Dei justos honores, non agnos- 
cunt esse mediatorem, non volunt cum fide invocari. Mag- 
num et multiplex bellum jam ecclesia Dei gerit. Sed 
scriptum est de hoc tempore, tunc stabit pro filiis populi 
sui dux magnus, qui est Filius Dei victor et triumphator. 
Huic nos piis et ardentibus votis commendemus, et ab eo 
auxilium et salutem perpetuam expectemus. Ego hac me 
consolatione et alias saepe, et adhuc sustento, quod ex Deo 
est, non delebitur. Nec vero dubito divinitus patefactum 
esse genus doctrinae, quod fulget in nostris ecclesiis, nec 
sum adeo ferreus, ut solus non adficiar, vel publicis Ger- 
maniae periculis, cui jam adversus externum hostem con- 
sensu principum opus est, vel domesticis vulneribus nos- 
trarum ecclesiarum, quas regi melius tranquillis temporibus 



CONFERENCE AT SMALCALD. 401 



possent, nam discordia etiam in parte saniore disciplinam 
impediit. Hasret autem discordia in republica adversario- 
rura culpa, quorum durities asperimos scopulos, et Caucasi 
rupes vincet. Negant enim pacem fore, nisi oppresserint 
veritatem. Nostras vero sententias fuisse moderatas, acta 
publica ad omnem posteritatem testabuntur, toties flagita- 
vimus veram dijudicationem, toties ipse supplex oravi po- 
tentes, ut saluti ecclesiae consulerent; sed plane visus sum, 
ut in Graeco versu, ut navis quassata procellis supplicare 
scopulis. Quare ecclesias nostras Deo commendemus, et 
nostrum officii' m bona conscientia faciamus, ac precemur 
Deum, ut et principum mentes gubernet, qui utrumque 
curare debent, ut et de Deo ac Filio ejus Jesu Christo, 
recte doceantur homines, et armis patria adversus barba- 
rum ho stem defendatur, qui saevitiam suam non tantum in 
vulgus exercet; sed multo crudelius in ipsos principes. 
Neque tamen sinet Deus hac barbaria deleri funditus eccle- 
sias, nec quinta monarchia futura est. Bene vale. 

LETTER FROM MELANCTHON TO LUTHER, 

CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF 

THE CONFERENCE AT SMALCALD, 
in 1540. 

S. D. scripserat Lundensis rediens ex Hispania, impera- 
torem Corolum venturum in Germaniam, non ut bellum 
civile moveret, sed ut de concordia ecclesiarum delibera- 
ret, sarcienda moderatis rationibus. Ideo hortatus est 
Lundensis nostros principes, ut et ipsi deliberarent quid de- 
fensuri essent, aut largituri adversariis. Hanc ob causam 
indictus est conventus Smalcaldensis. Allatae sunt delibe- 
rationes, quarum consensus summus fuit, non posse abjici 
eos articulos quos in confessione et Apologia confitemur. 
Constituto doctrinae consensu de adiaphoris non odiose 
pugnandum esse. Deliberatio nostra, cui caetera subscrip- 
serunt, accurate et erudite videtur scripta, ut Paulus nar- 
rare poterit. Haec dum aguntur in conventu, allatum est 

3E 



402 APPENDIX PAPERS. 



responsum imperatoris Caroli, in quo narrat imperator, se 
in Germaniam venisse non hostili animo, sed acturum esse 
de concordia ecclesiarum, et spem ostendit, se daturum 
pacem, -eaque de re dixit, se paulo post responsurum esse. 
Hoc dictum satis quidem dmyiMvruSeg est, sed nos tamen 
interpretamur esse hgyvixov. Aliquanto post venit comes 
novae aquilae ; is adfert deliberationem de concordia, cui 
additae erant quaedam imperatoris expostulationes. Erat 
legatio quaedam aulica ironia instructa, comites Mander- 
schid, et novae aquilas prae se ferebant, se non esse missos 
ab imperatore, sed tamen consilium suum imperatori pla- 
cere. Summa consilii haec erat. Cum malit imperator 
publicas controversias componi sine majore tumultu, Gran- 
vellano, et his duobus comitibus videri consultum, ut pe- 
tamus hanc rem privatim peti ab imperatore, eum quasi 
arbitrum faciamus harum controversiarum privatim. Quod 
si faceremus, imperatorem adhibiturum esse Granvellanum 
et paucas alios, et delecturum utrinque eruditos, qui dog- 
mata judicarent et moderarentur. Contentiones vero de 
praediis ecclesiarum imperatoris judicio permittendas esse : 
petitum et hoc est ut diserte et plane dicamus quid largiri 
aut defendere ad extremum velimus. Erant adjectae satis 
durae expostulationes. Nam imperator ait se aegre ferre, 
quod hactenus simulantes concordiae studium hoc egerimus 
ut rem extraheremus, ut paulatim nostra? partes confirma- 
rentur, non vere voluisse nos discordias tolli, quod nihil 
concessimus adversariis. Narrat quam diligenter Augustas 
egerit de concordia. Ac tota querela eo spectat, non videri 
nos appetere concordiam nisi abjiciamus totum doctrinae 
genus, quod profitemur. Nos verecunde et vere respondi- 
mus de nostra voluntate erga rempublicam et studio pacis 9 
purgavimus objecta crimina, et ingenue diximus, non velle 
nos conciliationem intelligi confirmationem veterum er- 
rorum, et projectionem piae doctrinae. Ostendimus clare, 
quos articulos non posse abjici censebamus, et petivimus, 
ut res non privatim, sed in publico conventu ageretur, ut 
anno superiori promisit imperatoris legatus Francofordias ; 
ostendimus etiam nos nequaquam de praediis ecclesiarum 
pugnare. Exempla responsionis habent principum et ci- 
vitatum legati. Fortassis erunt varia judicia de nostra 
responsione. Non multa sunt <pognxwrega, caetera verecunde, 
ingenue, graviter, ac sine sophistica, scripta sunt. Et si 
vult imperator pie consulere ecclesiis, occasionem aliquam 
praebuisse videmur. Utinam Deus excitet animum impera- 



CONFERENCE AT RATISBON. 403 



toris, ut vere velit inquisitis fontibus, et fundamentis de 
doctrina agi, sicut toties in hac narratione scriptum est. 
Habes historiam hujus conventus praecipuam. Nam caetera 
sunt communia, in quibus et pieraque sunt quae Demos- 
thenes nominat, xoiva tfoXj-rsiwv a^a^r^ara de quibus coram 
loquemur. Vale. 

LETTER FROM MELANCTHON TO LUTHER, 

ON THE SUBJECT OF 

THE CONFERENCE AT RATISBON, 

IN MARCH 1541. 

S. D. initio conventus, postquam imperator Carolus ex- 
posuit, se deliberationes instituere velle de controversiis 
ecclesiasticis dirimendis, conjuncti Augustinae confessioni 
petiverunt pertexti disputationem Wormaciensem, ut ex ea 
explicatione imperator et principes cognoscere possent, et 
quae res veniant in controversiam, et qui sint fontes. Quo- 
modo enim eligi verae sententiae a principibus possunt, nisi 
res hoc modo collatae, et diserte explicate eis proponanturf 
Sed hoc consilio repudiato, ostendit imperator, se paucos 
quosdam delecturum esse, non ut sententiae inter se pug- 
nantes defenderentur, sed ut quaereretur, quae dogmata 
conciliari possint. Ac ne quid periculi esset ex hac delibe- 
ratione partibus praefatus est, velle se non teneri quenquam 
his deliberatis, nec ea vim praejudicii habere, sed omnia 
rursus ad consilia principum referenda esse. Postulavit 
item, ut sibi permitteretur, ut suo judicio quos vellet, delige- 
ret. Nihil enim mirum esse, in re tanta dissimiles esse ho- 
minum voluntates, dissimilia studia et judicia. Sed erant 
quidam, qui ab hoc toto consilio conciliationem abhorre- 
bant, propter magnitudinem periculi. Multa enim sunt et 
Vetera et recentia exempla, quae admonent, in talibus con- 
ciliationibus plerumque decurri ad ambiguos, flexiloquos, 
fucosos, et fallaces articulos, quibus Veritas obruitur, et 
non sanantur ecclesiae sed dissipantur. Alii contra dispu- 
tabant, hanc viam etiam profuturam esse ad declarandas 
sententias, quas profiterentur ecclesiae, quae amplexae sunt 



404 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



Augustafiam confessionem : preesertim si interfuturi essent 
boni viri, qui imperatori recitarent ut res posceret, dispu- 
tationum summas. Et imperator dixerat velle se inquiri 
veritatem. Futurum autem animum imperatoris mitiorem, 
si intelligeret non tarn absurda esse dogmata ecclesiarum 
nostrarum, ut a pontificibus, monachis, et aliis sycophantis 
traducuntur. Addebant item si colloquii hujus deliberata 
referrentur ad principes quosdam, dicturos eos liberas et 
honestas sententias. Tandem igitur eo decurritur : assen- 
timur imperatori, ut hoc loco colloquium instituatur : sed 
ita tie condantur flexiloqui articuli, sed ut simplex Veritas 
patefiat. Et testatus est imperator velle se inquiri verita- 
tem: ac in delectu usus est hac aequitate. Ex pontificiis 
tres delegit, Julium, Eccium, et Gropperum. His addidit 
ex altera parte Phillippum, Bucerum, et Nidanum pasto- 
rem. Petitum est, ut addantur principes seu gubernatores 
colloquii, et aliqui auditores seu testes, ut acta cum impe- 
ratori, turn aliis principibus fidelius recitari possint. De- 
lecti sunt gubernatores, dux Fredericus, Palatinus, et Gran- 
vellus. Adjuncti auditores, comes de Manderscheit, Eber- 
hardus Ruede, consiliarius Moguntini, cancellarius Pala- 
tini electoris, Saxonicus cancellarius, cancellarius Hassi- 
cus, Jacobus Sturmius Argentinensis. 

Initio congressus dux Fredericus rursus adhortatur de- 
lectos, ut sedatos ac pios animos, ad tantam deliberationem 
adferant, et dirimere controversias studeant. Narrat, ipsi 
imperatori tot jam annos earn rem maximae curse fuisse, 
eoque multorum doctorum et bonorum explorasse senten- 
tias. Cum igitur quidam exhibuerint ipsi scriptum, quod 
propter aliorum immoderationem consiliis durioribus ante- 
tulerint: velle imperatorem, ut delectis liber ille propona- 
tur, qui quasi viam monstret ad dirimendas controversias. 
Liber est exhibitus aequissima conditione, ut quae non pro- 
barentur, nobis dicere liceret, et censuram adderemus. 
Etsi autem tutius videbatur nonnullis ex delectis, percur- 
rere Augustanam confessionem : tamen cum alii librum 
anteferrent et incivile videretur, nolle inspicere scriptum 
propositum ab imperatore, sine iniquis conditionibus: con- 
venit, ut liber legeretur, et ordine dicerentur sententiae. 
Initio non habebant controversias, de conditione hominis, 
de lapsu, de libero arbitrio, de causa peccati, de vitio ori- 
ginis. De his locis tunc quidem rixae nullae fuerunt. Se- 
cutus est locus de reconciliatione hominis, seu justiflca- 
tione, de quo farrago ilia neutri parti satisfaciebat, et quia 



CONFERENCE AT RATISBON. 405 

novas quasdam sententias continebat, et pleraque erant 
obscura, impropria et flexiloqua : ut alias videretur recte 
dicere fide propter Christum justi sumus; alias contra 
propter donatas virtutes sumus justi: ut Thomas, seu ut 
Plato loquitur. 

Seposito igitur libro, de summa rei libere disputatum est: 
et tandem ad formulam reversum, in qua recepta et expli- 
cata sententia est, fide propter Christum gratis justifica- 
mur, non propter virtutes nostras. Cum de hoc loco con- 
venisset, redire ad librum jussi sumus. Lectus est locus 
sequens de ecclesia, ut facilius obtineri sequentia possent; 
insidiose addita est hypothesis, communem consensum et 
synodos legitimas non errare. Hie magnum certamen 
ortum est. Cumque per aliquot dies de hoc loco diligenter 
disputassemus jussi sumus rejicere hanc partem in aliud 
tempus. Lectus est locus de sacramentis, in quo cum ven- 
tum esset ad coenam Domini, ortae sunt rixae de conversione 
substantias panis. Rejecta est et hasc disputatio in aliud 
tempus. Postea acerrima contentio de re non magna se- 
cuta est, " an in confessione," ut vocant, " sit necessaria 
delictorum enumeratio." Defendebatur regnum confes- 
sionis a nonnullis, vel propter auctoritatem ordinis sacer- 
dotum, vel propter culinas monachorum. Sed ab aliis ex- 
hibita est contraria sententia, explicata copiose. Agitata 
est et queestio de " satisfactionibus," de quibus formula pro- 
posita est a pontificiis brevis : ut et moderate videretur 
ambigua. Sed concessum est, ut et altera pars suam ex- 
hiberet sententiam. Ventum est ad locum de gradibus et 
potestate episcoporum, ubi aliquid de potestate Romani 
pontificis significatum fuit. Adjecta erant et alia quas vo- 
cabantur in quaestionem. Tribuebat enim scriptum aucto- 
ritatem episcopis ceremonias divinitus constitutas mutandi. 
Id quidam interpretabantur de parte coense Domini adempta 
populo. Secuta sunt certamina de invocatione divorum, 
qui ex hac vita discesserunt, de applicatione missae, de 
privata missa, de usu integrae ccenae Domini. In his ma- 
teriis cum ii, qui Augustanam confessionem amplectuntur, 
dissiderent a libro illo, eta pontificiis; concessum est, ut 
contrariae sententias exhiberentur. Reliqua erat in libro 
longa recitatio veterum canonum, de conjugio sacerdotum. 
Etsi autem liber earn causam rejiciebat ad deliberationem 
summorum gubernatorum : tamen significabat, conjugium 
sacerdotibus concedendum esse juxta normam veterum ca- 
nonum. Hie adjecta est liberior sententia a nobis. Tan- 



406 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



dem igitur percurso libro, jussi summus acta referre im- 
peratori: ac reddito libro ostendere, de quibus locis con- 
veneril, et quae controversial non sint diremtae. Etsi fui- 
mus delecti, ut, inquisita veritate, dissidia tolleremus, ta- 
men ut studium concordiae ostenderent hi, qui Augustanain 
confessionem amplectuntur, de libro non acerbam censu- 
ram egerunt, multa improprie dicta dissimularunt, quae- 
dam donarunt adversariis, quae tamen digna erant repre- 
hensione, sed semper ita sensimus, non propter leves causas 
alenda esse dissidia: tantum de magnis et necessariis rebus 
pugnandum esse duximus. Postquam imperatori liber red- 
ditus est, tentatae sunt per marcbionem Joachimum et com- 
positiones reliquarum controversiarum, de quibus articuli 
a nobis exhibiti erant. Cumque caetera communia de uti- 
litate concordiae et pacis, de ingentibus malis, quae civile 
bellum comitarentur, longa oratione commemorata essent: 
illud tandem adjectum est, moliri imperatorem novam ec- 
clesiae reformationem, et doctrinam de justitia fidei propa- 
gaturam etiam esse in caeteras regiones. Haec tanta bona 
impediri, si caeteros articulos mordicus retineremus, nec 
regrederemur aliquantulum, cessuri non hostium improbi- 
tati, sed piorum in aliis regionibus utilitati. Multi priore 
ratione movebantur; bellum civile, quo nihil injustius in 
hac vita cogitari potest, non stulte formidantes : nonnulli 
et altera parte orationis mov'eri se significabant, et cense- 
bant nostra moderatione invitandam et confirmandam esse 
voluntatem imperatoris, universo orbi consulere cupientis, 
et quasi quoddam aureum seculum promittentis. Ac dis- 
putabant, cum singuli quaedam dissimulemus amicorum 
vitia, cum celebratissimis auctoribus Augustino et aliis, 
errores quosdam condonemus: posse etiam hoc tempore 
aliqua seu remitti seu involvi ac tegi, cum propter nostras 
civitates et ecclesias in quibus vastitas futura esset: turn 
propter gentium quae tanquam infirmae invitandae essent, 
utilitatem. Nec leve fuit, cum de re tantae sententiae dice- 
rentur. Nam alii contra: etsi publica ecclesiarum'et scho- 
larum excidia metuerent, ipsi tamen doctrinae corruptelas 
fugiendas esse sentiebant. Nec hi tantum eo movebantur, 
quod omnibus periculis anteferenda sit Veritas : sed etiam 
hoc considerabant. Primum moderatores pacem, quam 
ostendebant, non impetraturos esse, nisi totum purae doc- 
trinae genus abjiceremus. Deinde domesticum consensum 
tuendum esse, cum constet plerosque domi pacificationem 
hanc vel cum paucorum articulorum corruptelis conjunctam 



CONFERENCE AT RATISBON. 407 



asperrime reprehensuros et improbaturos esse. Postremo ? 
secuturas esse magnas in nostris ecclesiis discordias. Ilia 
vero promissa de aureo seculo, et de reform atione, non 
magni faciebant : quod viderentur esse, ut inquit Thucy- 
dides tf^fjia tfoXirwov Xoyou. Tandem igitur Marchioni re- 
spondetur verecunde, has de reliquis controversiis delibe- 
rationes difierendas esse, donee a principibus in utraqae 
parte sentential de prioribus articulis dictae essent, de qui- 
bus fortassis collocutorum judicium neutris satisfaciet. Etsi 
autem multas controversiae nondum erant diremptae, tamen 
Caesar jubet in senatu principum sententias dici de libro. 
Hie dux Bavariae Gulielmus, recitat de scripto longam cri- 
minationem eorum, qui amplexi sunt Augustanam confes- 
sionem; deinde et hunc librum a Cassare oblatum prorsus 
rejicit. Censet nullam ullius opinionis correctionem aut 
moderationem, nullam legum pontificiarum mitigationem 
admittendam esse: nihil concedendum adversariis quam 
discrepet ab usitatis opinionibus aut ceremoniis caeterarum 
nationum. Ha3C summa fuit orationis Bavaricae., cui assen- 
tiebantur plerique episcoporum. Hos ut confirmaret Ec- 
ci.us, misit ad senatum principum brevem epistolam in qua 
improbat librum; ac testatur nunquam sibi placuisse, prop- 
terea quod errores non ferendos contineret, nec in loquendo 
sequeretur theologorum phrasin et consuetudinem. Dicun- 
tur sententias moderatiores a legatis Coloniensis episcopi, a 
legatis Palatini, et a marchione Brandenburg electore: ut 
conciliati articuli comprobentur. Caeteri rejiciantur ad sy- 
nodum, aut alium conventum. Hi enim disputabant, paula- 
tim coituras in concordiam ecclesias, si aequitas adhibere- 
tur : et conscientiis piorum, quas desiderent quorundam 
rituum vitiosorum emendationem, consulendum esse. Ter- 
tia fuit sententia nostrorum, non reprehendi articulos con- 
ciliates, si tamen in his quaedam ambigua diserte explica- 
rentur. Addebant et de controversiis non diremptis: se 
judicare articulos a nostris in colloquio exhibitos veros, et 
ita moderate scriptos esse, ut sperent sanis judiciis satis- 
facturos esse. Et quia jusserat imperator exhiberi delibe- 
rationem de reformatione ecclesiae, adjecti sunt libelli de 
gubernatione ecclesiarum. Cum vero principum senten- 
tias inter se non congruerent, imperator, ne de summa rei 
ipse statuere videretur, cardinalem Contarenum adhibet. 
Hie ut honesto prastextu certamina fhiirentur, proponit 
scriptam sententiam, in qua jubet totam vel integram cau- 
sam servari Romano pontifici, ac vetat in conventu de 



40S 



APPENDIX PAPERS. 



his rebus iterum disputari. Et quia fuerat contentio de 
conciliates articulis recipiendis, quos visus est antea Con- 
tarerius non improbare ; adductus est importunitate Eccii 
ut alteram scriptum proponeret, in quo diserte inquit. se 
de conciliatione non pronunciare, nec probare eos, sed re- 
linquere judicium Romano pontifici. Mirabantur multi 
Contarenum, cum et doctrinae Christianae peritissimus esse 
diceretur, et singulari gravitate et virtute praeditus, non 
libere profiteri quod sentiret. Nam cum omnes Christiani 
et intelligere communem evangelii doctrinam debent ; turn 
vero maxime illis, qui primas in ecclesia tenent, et guber- 
natores doctrinae esse volunt, convenit aperte suam senten- 
tiam ostendere. Nec continent articuli conciliati inanes 
argutias, sed res magnas, et ecclesiae necessarias : ut de 
morbo originis, de libertate voluntatis humanae, et fide 
justificante propter Christum, de retinendis officiis episco- 
porum et aliorum graduum ecclesiasticorum. Sed quo 
concilio suam sententiam Contarenus occultavit, nihil 
ad nos attinet: sed eventus satis ostendit, eos qui spe- 
rarunt initio adversarios nostros aliquam moderationem 
aut emendationem suarum opinionum admissuros, non satis 
perspexisse eorum voluntates; tentandos putarunt animos 
nostros, ut seu inclinatio quaedam, seu distractio fieret, 
posteaque suum odium declarerent. Alii meliores qui se- 
rio moderationem aliquarn expetunt, cum viderent nec ani- 
morum concordiam vere coituram esse, nec semina odio- 
rum tolli, etsi receptae essent hae moderationes, minus suc- 
censebant nobis quod repugnaveramus. Audio et cum 
videret frustra tentatas esse has conciliationes, dixisse De- 
um fortassis hos conatus impedivisse, qui arcano et mirabili 
consilio regit ecclesiam : quod his moderationibus receptis, 
mala quasdam confirm ata fuissent et eorum stabilita poten- 
tia, qui errores praecipue defendunt. — Deum vero orandum 
esse ut ipse ecclesiae opem ferat, et pios cultus ac veram 
doctrinam restituat. 



THE END. 



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